宛西自治:一场夭折的区域现代化实验

20世纪30—40年代,宛西地区发生了一场在“三自主义”指导下的区域性现代化实验。这场以追求“丰衣足食、安居乐业”为目标的实验．植根于本土化的基础之上,由于地理环境的独特和地方精英的努力而取得了一定的成绩;由于理论的局限和对封建土地制度的容忍,得不到广大贫苦群众的拥护而中途夭折。     

论清末东北宪政改革的特点

以实施宪政为中心的政治改革是清末东北政治现代化的重要特征。具体表现在 :一是通过官制改革调整了地方行政机构 ,加强了地方公署对边疆的控制 ,为东北实施宪政铺平了道路。二是把司法独立作为实施宪政的关键 ,完善了近代地方司法体系。三是以地方自治为实施宪政的基础 ,促进了东北近代民主运动的发展。四是以谘议局为实施宪政的后盾 ,扩大了谘议局参政的深度和广度 ,并充分利用谘议局与商会的特殊关系 ,使公署、谘议局、商会形成一个有机体 ,从而东北的宪政改革得以顺利进行。     

“吃讲茶”:成都茶馆、袍哥与地方政治空间

作为公共空间的茶馆成为袍哥的活动中心,他们在那里联络、聚集和开会,成为袍哥社会网络的一个重要部分。袍哥在茶馆里活动形成了他们独特的语言和行为,"摆茶碗阵"便是他们经常使用的联络方法。茶馆作为地方政治空间可以表现在很多方面,不过,"吃讲茶"仍然是最为典型和最具代表性的活动,这个实践显示了市民的相对自治状态,他们试图在没有官方介入的情况下解决冲突,说明一种国家之外社会力量的存在。     

改革十年：庞贝管理自治权的兴衰（上）

1997年9月,一项特别法案赋予庞贝考古遗址新的身份——从意大利文化部的地方直属管理局改制为一个自治管理局.2008年7月,意大利总理宣布庞贝进入为期一年的紧急状态,并委任一名特别专员以应对“该考古遗址的严峻局势”.本文旨在回顾庞贝在这十年间的转型,考察其重大机构改革,并分析其间的工作以及人力和资金管理的演变.本文除关注专业问题之外,还着重研究文化机构问责制的作用,以及意大利公共行政管理体系的特征,并对公共机构转型是否存在全球统一的路径提出质疑.     

关税特别会议的评价问题——以“关税自主案”为中心的分析

关税会议对恢复中国关税自主权问题的讨论以及它所通过的关税自主案,既是当时社会各界关注的焦点,也是评价关税会议的要点。关税自主案既非有效条约亦非国际协定,并不具有约束各方的国际法效力,不能对其评价过高。从其形成过程来看,关税自主案存在悬而未决的问题。围绕关税会议而形成的关税自主运动高潮及其本身所体现出的自主趋向,方为认识和评价关税会议的基本层面。     

The arc of autonomy in Georgia's Ajara

Drawing on the case study of Georgia's Ajara region, this paper makes the argument for foregrounding autonomy as a strategy used by states for managing diverse territories. Particularly salient to the concept of autonomy is its flexibility as a spatial fix, one which can be variously deployed depending on the form of political relations between center and periphery. Empirically, we draw from a set of 22 interviews conducted in Tbilisi and Ajara's capital of Batumi to trace the arc of autonomy in the republic through its Soviet and post-Soviet history. Established on cultural grounds, the form of Ajara's autonomy has subsequently been institutional, instrumental, and nominal. The republic today maintains its autonomous status, though its competences are delimited from Tbilisi; rather, this status serves as a model for the future—albeit unlikely—reincorporation of South Ossetia and Abkhazia into the Georgian state. In conclusion, the paper endorses greater engagement with autonomies that fall short of conflict and separatism but nonetheless provide valuable insights into the suite of strategies that states employ in the management of territory. Autonomies are possibly entering a new, more unstable period of centralizing pressures that will challenge their original purpose and perhaps also regional peace and stability.     

Longitudinal determinants of married women’s autonomy in Egypt

This article explores determinants of women’s autonomy in Egypt around the beginning of the ‘Arab Spring’ in 2011. We show that women’s autonomy over time is a product not only of their individual characteristics, but also of the household and community environment in which they live. Using the 2006 and 2012 Egyptian Labor Market Panel Survey (ELMPS) and multilevel models, results demonstrate that women’s autonomy changes over time. There are large and consistent variations in women’s autonomy by household region of residence and wealth. For example, women in the rural and urban Upper Egypt region are less autonomous than women in the Cairo region, and women in wealthier households are less autonomous compared to the poorest households. Programs aiming to increase women’s autonomy focus exclusively or primarily on women’s own characteristics. These results indicate that strategies to improve women’s autonomy should be mindful of the multiple dimensions of autonomy and have a programmatic focus on changing household and social environments.     

Indigenous Autonomy,Delinquent States,and the Limits of Resistance

This paper focuses on struggles by Mexican indigenous communities to defend their patrimony and guarantee their own security in an environment dominated by the parallel power of organized crime, paramilitary violence, impunity, and a neo-extractivist economy. After reviewing the relationships between the radicalization of indigenous autonomy demands and transformations of the Mexican state, analysis focuses on recent developments involving a Nahua community on the Pacific coast of Michoacán state that has a long history of successful defence of its communal lands, alongside a Purépecha community in the central highlands that has been its longstanding ally. The violence of external actors reflects the penetration of all levels of government by organized crime, but violence is not a new historical experience in this region. What has changed is that the capacity of these communities to resist has been affected by their internal disarticulation by the same forces.     

Exception beyond the sovereign state: Makhmour refugee camp between statism and autonomy

This paper explores the camp as a space of autonomy within the context of Makhmour refugee camp in Iraqi Kurdistan. It re-examines the relationship between the camp and autonomy by inverting the concept of exception. Drawing on the theoretical opening provided by Khaled Furani (2014), the paper develops a critical understanding of the exception that originates not in the sovereign decision of the state and its juridical apparatus, but in the capacity of political subjects to form autonomous collective life in struggle with, against and beyond the state. Moving the locus of the exception from the sovereign state to the governed allows for a novel conception of the camp as a constituent site for autonomy. The experience of Makhmour shows the emergence of what I will call the “anti-camp” within the spatiality of the refugee camp, providing theoretical and empirical insights into alternative conceptualisation of the camp. While the anti-camp is a political manifestation of will to autonomous world-making, it is a process marked by constant bricolage, negotiation and contestation with the statist form of time and space.     

Reframing autonomy in political geography: A feminist geopolitics of autonomous resistance

Autonomy is often universally defined and undertheorized, making invisible ways of knowing and understanding autonomy that are embodied and practiced. Alternate theorizations have drawn on anti-capitalist and alter-globalization movements and discourses to provide accounts of struggles for autonomy as they relate to self-determination, identity politics, and oppositional action, however, in many cases these accounts are still grounded in universal understandings. In this paper I use a feminist geopolitical perspective to re-read autonomy for difference within, alongside and outside of contemporary political geographies of autonomy. Empirical work in self-declared autonomous communities in Chiapas, Mexico, demonstrates that current political geographies of autonomy do not sufficiently explain the ongoing struggle for indigenous farmers in the highlands. In the article, I examine how autonomy is understood and practiced by subsistence corn and coffee farmers who have declared themselves autonomous and in resistance. I argue that in the case of farmers in resistance, autonomy is not just a political act, but also an embodied practice deployed through agricultural production and consumption. A feminist geopolitics assists with reframing autonomy and identifying different ways that it is understood and practiced. In examining the practices that farmers view as contributing to autonomy, different understandings and ways of knowing autonomy emerge.