珠江三角洲城市群交通问题与对策--日本近畿圈的实践与启示

从城市结构、交通系统和管理体制等方面对珠江三角洲和近畿圈两个城市群交通进行比较分析。指出珠三角交通存在城市交通系统供需不平衡,致使城市交通运输效率低下,进而制约经济持续快速增长等问题。得出了要使珠江三角洲城市群交通的供求关系达到平衡,必须积极借鉴日本近畿圈的先进经验,合理调配交通系统中\"人-车-路\"三者之间相互关系的结论。     

上海“文革”时期的蔬菜供应

城市蔬菜供应关联"民众一生活"和"社会一管理"两条渡动线,难怪通过"文革"夺权的造反派,在蔬菜供应淡季时,也得派人勘踏田头,各方调运,促进上市."文革"前,上海以三角地菜场为服务典范;"文革"中,上海以长寿支路菜场为服务样板.前后"优质服务"的套路、特色并无二致,支持系统的政治符号和政治指向,却因强调为"政治路线服务"而不一样.同时,蔬菜供应的背后,还存在着相当严重的贪污盗窃活动.     

Urban growth drivers in a Europe of sticky people and implicit boundaries

We investigate urban GDP per capita growth across the EU12 usingdata for functionally defined cities—rather than administrativeregions. We test hypotheses on the role of human capital, EUintegration and fragmentation of urban government and explorespatial dependence and mechanisms of spatial interaction. Resultsare acceptable on standard econometric tests without measuresof spatial interaction but there is spatial dependence. If variablesreflecting spatial adjustment are included, they are statisticallysignificant and eliminate spatial dependence. Not only do theresults now provide consistent estimates of parameters, butthey also support relevant theoretical insights and show nationalborders are still significant barriers to economic adjustment.People in Europe are sticky so it is unreasonable to assumespatial disparities will disappear. Our findings also implythat cities in Europe form national rather than a single continentalsystem.     

A Critique in Search of a Corpus: Re-visiting Governance and Re-interpreting Urban Politics

One of the most profound changes of the last two decades has been in the form and the function of local government. Its role as part of the local state has been challenged through the re-scaling and re-configuration of many of its aims. This paper examines the growth of business sector involvement and the ascendancy of the partnership model in urban development, as part of an analysis of the changes and the continuities that stretch across the local government – local governance conceptualization of political relations. I start the paper with a discussion of the main issues in the local governance literature as a precursor to a commentary onImrie and Raco's (1999) recent paper, 'How New is the New Local Governance? Lessons from the United Kingdom'. The wider literature is drawn upon to discuss some of the theoretical approaches used to analyse this much-vaunted transformation and three key themes are used to structure the remainder of the paper. I argue that Imrie and Raco caricature the work of other academics in order to make their claims over omissions from the literature. In doing so, they ignore or under-play how state restructuring and the logic of capital has often been the object of analysis, rather that the voluntarist incorporation of business élites into the local governing apparatus. Using empirical examples from three English cities I argue that while, on the one hand, their examples are revealing and serve to sensitize current debates around governance, the state and regulation, on the other hand, there is still a need to interpret these 'local' politics within a broader and more scale-sensitive framework and in more abstract terms. This demands a clear distinction between local governance as a concept, and its investigation in an empirical way.     

The press and issue framing in the Australian mining tax debate

Using supervised learning techniques to code newspaper articles on the Minerals Resource Rent Tax (originally known as the Resources Super Profits Tax), this article analyses sources of partiality and emphasis in media coverage of the issue. It shows that opponents were more successful in airing their views in the opening stages of the debate, but the government's re-branding led to more favourable media coverage. There was a regional bias, however, with newspapers in states dominated by mining interests more critical than newspapers from other states. The only truly national newspaper (the Australian) was notable for having fewer ‘neutral’ articles, with a relatively high number of both negative and positive articles. The Australian Financial Review, meanwhile, had a greater number of neutral articles. Framing remained homogenous over time though variable across publications.

本文使用指导学习技术,对有关矿产资源租借税的报刊文章进行编码,分析了媒体就此话题的报道其中中立性和重点性的根源。研究显示,反对者在辩论的开始阶段成功地传播他们的观点。不过,政府的再推广也达到了有利的媒体宣传效果。当然,会有地区偏差,矿业利益集团控制的州,那里的报纸会比其他州更持批判立场。唯一名副其实的全国性大报登载的“中性”文章明显要少,负面和正面的文章都比较多,而《澳大利亚财经评论》倒是刊登了较多的中性文章。总之,格局一直比较单一,但具体到出版物则有参差。     

Teaching foreign policy analysis in Australia: on cultivating an ‘FPA disposition’

ABSTRACT

The United States-centric nature of the Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) subfield poses a range of pedagogical challenges, especially when the subject is taught outside North America. The preponderance of FPA literature written by US scholars and examining US cases can frustrate non-US students, who often wish to study decisions they consider more directly relevant to their own region and experience. I this piece, I reflect on how I have grappled with this tension in teaching a postgraduate FPA course at the Australian National University. I discuss my choice to prioritise cultivating an ‘FPA disposition’ among students and how, as a means of doing so, I chose to design a curriculum based on a semester-long case study examining the US decision to invade Iraq in 2003. While this pedagogical approach may initially seem contradictory to my long-term aim of contributing to the expansion of FPA beyond North America, it reflects my conviction that instilling an ‘FPA disposition’ in the next generation of graduate students is essential to growing and enriching the subfield in the long term.     

‘Talking Itself Out of a Political Future’: Education and Australian Army Engagement with Papua New Guinean Independence, 1966–72

The Australian Army, while having a long association with Papua New Guinea after the Second World War and before independence in 1975, is often conceptualized as a small player in the decolonization process, of interest to scholars because of its cost and potential threat to democratic government. This article examines the Army’s education programme and associated policies in the decade before independence to argue that the institution was acutely aware of looming decolonization, and actively sought to create a national Papua New Guinean military by repurposing policies originally designed to serve Australia’s defence needs, in particular through ‘civic’ education. It embarked on this path without direction from the Department of Territories. While the results of ‘civic’ education are difficult to determine, this article shows that the Australian Army was engaged in the profound shifts occurring around it in Papua New Guinea.