Jewish conditions,theories of nationalism: cartographical notes

Thinkers with Jewish backgrounds contributed powerfully to our understanding of nationalism. We examine the different Jewish conditions in East Central Europe and Russia at the end of the nineteenth and at the start of the twentieth century so as to map the theories of nationalism that resulted. Four such theories are identified, each illustrated with reference to particular thinkers.     

“Mixed up in a Bit of Do‐Goodery”: Judy Inglis,Activist Anthropology and Aboriginal History

As one of few people to study urban Aborigines in the early 1960s, Judy Inglis was well situated to comment on the workings of government policies such as assimilation. Her sudden death in 1962, aged thirty‐two, cut short her contribution to contemporary debates and froze in time her thinking. Inglis wanted her academic work to help the subjects of her study. Although she struggled with the idea of blending anthropology with activism, her desire to effect positive change ultimately outweighed other considerations. By her own account, she was “mixed up in a bit of do‐goodery”. In the decade after her death, the same impulse drove her friend Diane Barwick and mentor W. E. H. Stanner, both fellow anthropologists, to bring into being “Aboriginal History” as a field of study. This article explores the links between Judy Inglis’ approach to anthropology‐as‐activism and the origins of Aboriginal History.     

Laïcité as assimilation,laïcité as negotiation: Political geographies of secularism in the French public school

Laïcité, France's idiosyncratic form of secularism, is a complex concept that is dense with historical genealogy, practical contradictions and – crucially – political geographies. In particular, contemporary laïcité is characterized by a state-sponsored model of universal citizenship that regards French Muslims' identity claims with mistrust. This tension, always latent, was brought to the fore by a series of attacks perpetrated self-styled jihadists in January 2015, centered on the offices of the satirical magazine Charlie Hebdo notorious for its provocations against Islam. The attacks and their aftermath also highlighted a key space where conflicts over laïcité often play out: the French public school, the école républicaine. This institution was conceived in its modern form as a mechanism to assimilate through laïque pedagogy. Today it is a highly visible space where the optics of race and gender contribute to a narrative of Muslim communautarisme, a willful and defiant communalism that rejects the republican community of citizens.Following a handful of incidents in which students refused to participate in a moment of silence for the victims of the January 2015 attacks, the Ministry of Education undertook an initiative involving disciplinary and pedagogical supports for laïcité in the schools, called the Great Mobilisation for the Republic's Values. Like other past interventions in this area, it operationalizes an assimilating vision of laïcité to bring recalcitrant peripheries into compliance with republican norms. At the same time, though, it reveals the agency of the peripheries to negotiate the terms of laïcité according to local knowledge and needs. On the basis of interviews with educators serving in schools where elements of the Grand Mobilisation were carried out, I show how they push back against the overarching narratives that characterize the initiative and in so doing construct localized and nuanced understandings of the laïque social pact.     

Modern Human Origins—Distinguishing the Models

Four models of modern human origins were described and discussed by Aiello (Aiello, L. (1993) American Anthropologist 95: 73–96. She distinguished them as the African Replacement Model, the African Hybridization and Replacement Model, the Assimilation Model, and the Multiregional Model. All of these models have been modified and refined following further research and development by their proponents, but this is now leading to some confusion in testing the models. Whereas developments of the African Replacement Model have often been given distinct names, quite different versions of the Multiregional Model are still referred to under the original name. New ways of distinguishing the models are proposed, and the suggestion is made that some versions of the Multiregional Model should now be subsumed under the Assimilation Model, while others could perhaps be known under the term Multiregional Model 2.Quatre modèles représentant les origines de l'homme moderne furent décrits et discutés par Aiello (1993): le Modèle Africain de Remplacement (African Replacement Model), le Modèle Africain d'Hybridisation et de Remplacement (African Hybridization and Replacement Model), le Modèle d'Assimilation (Assimilation Model) et le Modèle Multirégional (Multiregional Model). Suite à de nouvelles recherches et de nouveaux développements, chacun de ces modèles a été modifié et affiné par ses partisans, ce qui, à ce jour, a mené à une certaine confusion lorsqu'il s'agit de tester ces modèles. Alors que les développements issus du Modèle Africain de Remplacement ont souvent reçu des noms à part, plusieurs variantes, toutes plutôt différentes les unes des autres, du Modèle Multirégional ne sont toujours connues que par leur nom d'origine. Ici je présente de nouvelles propositions ayant comme but de faciliter la distinction entre différents modèles. Je propose également que certaines variantes du Modèle Multirégional devraient à présent être comprises dans le Modèle d'Assimilation, tandis que d'autres pourraient peut-être prendre le nom de Modèle Multirégional 2 (Multiregional Model 2).     

The Politics of Knowledge: Anthropology and Māori Modernity in Mid-Twentieth-Century New Zealand

This article argues that growing confidence in anthropology as a tool for managing the adaptation of a resurgent Māori population to modernity shaped a “politics of knowledge” regarding New Zealand's indigenous people in the mid-twentieth century. We examine the relationship between anthropological discourse, state policy, and the Māori struggle to uphold traditional ways, through the prism of Ernest and Pearl Beaglehole's psycho-ethnographic study entitled Some Modern Māoris (Beaglehole, E., and P. Beaglehole. 1946. Some Modern Māoris. Wellington: New Zealand Council for Educational Research). This paper demonstrates that the study was the product of a nexus between concerns for Māori welfare, a perceived need for empirical research that could be applied to the “problem” of indigenous adjustment to contemporary conditions, and American philanthropy. For this reason, and as a detailed record of a small community when Māori society was on the cusp of post-Second World War transformations, we contend that the study deserves to be recovered from historical obscurity.     

The Vic Model: From school redistribution to xenophobic voting

In 1997, the authorities of Vic, a municipality with one of the highest immigration rates in Spain, implemented a programme called the Vic Model, which was a plan for the geographical redistribution or desegregation of immigrant students. The aim of the programme was to avoid the concentration or segregation of immigrants, which was defined as a problem, and to thereby dilute ethnic and cultural differences. According to scientific research, implementing such measures intensifies xenophobic and discriminatory attitudes among local populations. To analyse the relationship between this redistribution approach, which views immigrants as a burden, and xenophobic voting, we first document the examined case and then perform a quantitative analysis at both the regional and local levels by using demographic and electoral data. The results show an association between the assisted dissemination of immigrants throughout the municipality and an increase in xenophobic voting.     

The cult of Saint Denis and Capetian kingship

Throughout its history, the monastery of Saint-Denis sought to establish a tie with the ruling house, to make the abbey indispensable to the crown as the chief and privileged guardian of the royal presence. Beyond that, as the home of the principal Apostle of Gaul and the first bishop of Paris, it had a symbolic importance for the whole of France, independent of the monarchy itself. The representation of Saint Denis as a national saint, guiding, protecting, and promoting the well-being of the monarchy, was a monastic theme from the ninth century forward. The cult assumed its chief importance, however, in relation to the Capetians when, it is argued, it performed a critical function in the definition of French national identity under the aegis of the monarchy. In its importance for both France and the monarchy, the cult of Saint Denis helped make possible the fusion of two streams of national consciousness that might otherwise have remained distinct. Further, Capetian kings, by identifying themselves with the cult of Saint Denis, were able to tap a significant element of national devotion which contributed to the creation of a royal personality of national scope in France.     

Naming practices among the Irish secular nobility in the high middle ages

The Anglo-Norman ‘invasion’ had a profound impact on the names used by Irish families. New names such as Seán and Uilliam, introduced in the thirteenth, became widespread by the fourteenth century. In a number of cases a link can be established between the first occurrence of an Anglo-Norman name in an Irish family and an Anglo-Norman magnate with the same first name in the same region. This may have been the case for women also. Women's names were possibly more open to change, but in this field in particular more research needs to be done. The societies of both the Irish and the Anglo-Normans were patriarchal and as a consequence the naming pattern of the paternal family was usually followed. There are many similarities between the practices in Ireland and those in the rest of Western Europe, but it seems that Ireland differed in that here the eldest son rarely received the name of his paternal grandfather. Within the upper classes, the high nobility seems to have had a different attitude towards imitating Anglo-Norman names then did the lower nobility.