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Canada grants citizenship expansively to most persons born subject to its territorial jurisdiction. Canada’s Charter of Rights and Freedoms also treats naturalized and native-born citizens as equals. But new distinctions have emerged that threaten the equal status and rights of Canadian citizens. Here, I argue that the reemergence of the dormant historical norm of citizenship as allegiance is being used to cast citizens deemed disloyal out from Canada’s protection and supervision. First, I historically trace the erosion of equal citizenship status and rights in Canada under the guise of protecting native-citizens from security threats. Second, I offer a normative argument against the recent practice of denaturalizing Canadian citizens for their actions or questionable allegiances. I conclude with a preliminary recommendation for protecting the citizenship status of Canadians from revocation.  相似文献   
2.
At the turn of the 18th century, the Kangxi emperor initiated a large project to map the vast territories of the Qing. The land surveys that ensued were executed by teams of Qing officials and European missionaries, most of them French Jesuits first sent to China in 1685 and actively supported by the French crown. Early 18th century Jesuit publications foster a much-heralded claim that these missionary-mapmakers drew on their status of imperial envoys during the surveys to locally advance the position of the Catholic church. This article strives to explore the format/on of such local networks by these missionaries as they passed through the cities and towns of the Chinese provinces. On the basis of archival material, details emerge of contacts with local Qing administrators and Chinese Christians, and of attempts to purchase and recover local churches. This is then discussed against the background of the Rites Controversy, in an attempt to evaluate how such local networks relate to the rivalry between missionaries of different orders. The article emphasizes that there was (and perhaps is) no such thing as "pure science" by underscoring that important technical achievements such as the Qing mapping project are often shaped by complex networks and historical contingencies.  相似文献   
3.
Summary

Marc'antonio de Dominis is well known to historians as a figure in the political and religious culture of early modern Britain and Europe. This article contends that he was also a major theorist of civil power: his critique of Catholic scholastic political thought is compelling and his account of divine right kingship sheds light on conceptual problems that troubled a range of early modern thinkers. De Dominis dismantled the scholastic theory of political power on its own terms, insisting that Almain, Bellarmine, Suárez and others could not distinguish, as they sought to, between the potestas politica in general and the rule of particular princes. By this insight de Dominis could vindicate royal authority against the deposing pretensions of the Pope, the main objective of James I's supporters during the Allegiance Controversy, but his own positive account of how to think about power ran into theoretical trouble which he evidently perceived himself. If the potestas politica cannot be abstracted from a specific regime, and if the prince's absolute sovereignty depends on this fact, can politics be understood only at the level of the particular and contingent? The article closes by setting Thomas Hobbes—well versed in Jacobean polemic—in the context of this question.  相似文献   
4.
Contemporary liberal thought is increasingly baffled by the question of what kinds of moral obligations we ought to attribute to our common civic ties. Liberal patriotism is often seen as an obsolete inheritance, fundamentally in tension with values of liberty, equality, and impartiality. This paper examines the moral theory of David Hume in order to counter this assertion of incompatibility and uncover the roots of a view of modern patriotism that can incorporate impartiality, interest, and partial benevolence.  相似文献   
5.
《东方研究杂志》2012,60(2):517-531
Christopher Beckwith has recently devoted two publications concerning the origin of the word for “monastery” in East Asia. The proposed Aramaic origin has met with criticism from two eminent authorities, Laurent Sagart and Alexander Vovin. While the present article is not interested in the debate per se, here renamed the “Beckwith Controversy,” it is important to discuss in more detail Beckwith’s view about the Chinese word si 寺 (monastery), its origin, and its reconstruction. It is concluded that, although very imaginative in its conclusions, Beckwith’s argument is methodologically opaque and, therefore, should be definitely abandoned in favour of more plausible solutions.  相似文献   
6.
ABSTRACT

In 1797 the British government relieved the Bank of England of the obligation to pay specie for its notes upon demand; then, after bitter debate and sustained inflation, it restored this burden in 1821. The episode is studied as the “Bullion Controversy”, and it is commonly assigned high significance in the development of monetary theory. Yet the Bank stood as an old target for so-called “country” thought, which suspected commerce of corroding virtue and undermining the proper functions of Parliament. Both the Bank and the Whig regime that created it in 1694 had withstood such attacks, but in the nineteenth century these critical voices were joined by political economists who reworked the existing lines of attack, above all by presenting themselves not as defenders of an ancient virtue but as the champions of a modern, commercial society that was being endangered by the government's and the Bank's ignorance and self-interest. This paper thus examines the Bullion Controversy in relation to the history of political thought, and reveals how the return to convertibility represented an early victory for political economy's self-styled “theorists” in reforming the state's institutions in the nineteenth century.  相似文献   
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