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Russia has tried to use economic incentives and shared historical and cultural legacies to entice post-Soviet states to join its regional integration efforts. The Ukraine crisis exposed the weaknesses of this strategy, forcing Russia to fall back on coercive means to keep Kiev from moving closer to the West. Having realized the limits of its economic and soft power, will Russia now try to coerce post-Soviet states back into its sphere of influence? Fears of such an outcome overestimate Russia’s ability to use coercion and underestimate post-Soviet states capacity to resist. Rather than emerging as a regional bully, Russia is trying to push Eurasian integration forward by becoming a regional security provider. The article relates these efforts to the larger literature on regional integration and security hierarchies – bridging the two bodies of theory by arguing that regional leaders can use the provision of security to promote economic integration. Despite initial signs of success, we believe that the new strategy will ultimately fail. Eurasian integration will continue to stagnate as long as Russia’s economic and soft power remain weak because Russia will be unable to address the economic and social problems that are at the root of the region’s security problems.  相似文献   
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Radiocarbon 14C is a cosmogenic isotope, which is most extensively used by scientists from a wide variety of fields. Its rate of generation in the atmosphere depends on solar modulation and thus, studying 14C concentration in natural archives, one can reconstruct solar activity level in the past. The paper shows results of box-model calculations of generation of the 14C isotope in the atmosphere and its relative abundance during the time interval 1389–1800 AD, taking into account influence of changing climate. This interval includes the deep minimum of solar activity and period of significant change in atmospheric concentration of CO2 and global temperature. The performed analysis showed that concentration of 14C in the atmosphere reflects not only variations of the galactic cosmic rays intensity but as well changes of temperature and atmospheric CO2 concentration. It is shown that the decrease in CO2 concentration in the atmosphere during 1550–1600 can be connected with absorption of CO2 by the ocean surface layer. Thus, taking into account the climatic changes is an important condition for the reconstruction of solar activity in the past using data based on cosmogenic isotopes.  相似文献   
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The term ‘civic nationalism’ as it is used today in nationalism studies is misleading because it combines territorial collective identity with liberal‐democratic values. As such, for example, it does not provide much insight into the comparison of Azerbaijani and Georgian concepts of national identity. Azerbaijan, arguably an authoritarian country, has used unconditional citizenship by birth on territory (jus soli) and refused to naturalize Azeri co‐ethnics from Georgia. Georgia, seemingly a developed liberal democracy, hasn't practiced any jus soli, has bestowed citizenship on Georgian co‐ethnics abroad and refused it to its ethnic minorities. These two cases testify to the need to revise the term ‘civic nationalism’, inapplicable to many, especially non‐Western, empirical cases of national identity. By establishing distinct historical narratives based on premodernist sources, the article argues that the ethnic/territorial tension is premodern, which explains why civic nationalism has a premodern (territoriality) and a modern (liberal‐democratic values) component. Territorial collective identity, in its contrast to an ethnic one, has deep historical roots and needs to be separated from the overall umbrella of civic nationalism. Such an approach resolves many current theoretical objections to ethnic/civic dichotomy, a ubiquitous, but still insufficiently understood, heuristic tool.  相似文献   
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Diasporic synagogues have historically provided a number of educational and social functions. However, the growing popularity of state-funded Jewish schools in England necessitates analysis of these institutions’ changing roles and their implications for performances of Jewishness. Drawing upon interviews with rabbis, and interviews and focus groups with parents and students at a Jewish school, this article demonstrates three challenges for synagogues associated with the recent growth in Jewish day schooling: the instigation of instrumental attendance at services in order to secure a school place; and the co-option of synagogues’ traditional functions as both education and social centres. In the process, it illustrates how conceptualisations of Jewish identity are contested, resulting in discrepant attitudes towards Jewish education. Consequently, the article contributes to understandings of the spaces in which young people practise their Jewishness, and highlights the challenges for community leaders in ensuring that Jewish schools and synagogues cooperate rather than compete.  相似文献   
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The Soviet Union’s involvement of sub‐Saharan Africa came on the heels of African independence. During the Cold War, both the USSR and the United States engaged in an intense struggle for the “soul of Africa,” vying to win over the newly independent African nations. The Soviets offered Africans an alternative model of socio‐economic development and hoped that its implementation would result in a closer geoplitical alliance and Africa’s inevitable march toward socialism. However, these early euphoric expectations were dashed when it became clear that African nations were often pursuing their own pragmatic objectives. Even those regimes who formally committed to socialism were, in fact, using ideology and exploiting the cold war rivalries and superpower sensibilities for their own political expediency. In Angola, in Somalia, in Ethiopia, and in Southern Africa, the Soviets were left to contend with regimes and political movements that often defied their expectations. Soviet involvement in sub‐Saharan Africa diminished greatly in the wake of Mikhail Gorbachev’s reforms in the Soviet Union. With the Cold War waning and the Soviet economy in shambles, the USSR had little incentive to continue its presence in Africa. By the time of Soviet collapse in 1991, the country had lost much of its earlier clout and prominence in Africa, south of the Sahara.  相似文献   
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