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Ayesha Jalal 《国际历史评论》2013,35(3):409-433
This article illustrates US policy on European integration and the European Economic Community (EEC) by focusing on the General Agreement on Tarriff and Trade (GATT) Kennedy Round negotiations (1963–7). However underestimated in the history of international relations, GATT provides in fact an outstanding framework for analysing the foreign policy of its members. Whilst analyses of the Round per se already exist, no scholar thus far has focused on US policy towards European integration. Moreover, no previous author has utilised the European archives and has examined the stances of the EEC. This article shows that US support for European integration, which both Kennedy and Johnson followed at the behest of the ‘Europeanists’ in their respective administrations, conditioned the bargaining position of the United States in Geneva. The US negotiators tried to enhance US trade interests while at the same time attempting to encourage European regional integration. In so doing, the United States played a role in the strengthening of European regional integration by favouring the unity of the area. Moreover, contrary to previous accounts, this article shows that US negotiators were able to direct and move forward a complicated negotiation, showing Washington's leadership. The article concludes by showing that the Kennedy Round ended a period of about twenty years during which the United States acted to promote the unity of Western Europe. At the end of the 1960s, with the worsening of the US economic conditions, the tension in transatlantic relations over monetary and security issues, and the strength that the EEC demonstrated during the Kennedy Round, ‘the Europeanists’ were no longer able to prevail with their line in the internal discussions. This change became apparent when the Nixon administration shifted to a more detached and ambiguous policy towards European integration. 相似文献
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This paper reflects deeply on possibilities for developing solidarity with Kashmiri freedom struggles by mobilising a memorialisation praxis informed by poetics. We coin the term “colonialism otherwise” to describe the particular instruments and effects of postcolonial colonialism as they appear in the intimate space of family narratives, memories, and feelings. Foregrounding the works of the Kashmiri poet, essayist, and filmmaker, Uzma Falak, we write our memorialisations to respond to the poet's demands to bear witness to Kashmiri people's abjection. Our memorialisation praxis is guided by the questions: how do we know Kashmir as a place, and relatedly, what are the political limitations of our articulated solidarity with the anti-colonial struggle for azaadi? 相似文献
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Ayesha Masood 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》2018,25(2):188-206
Through their gendered spatial practices, women in Pakistan re-negotiate and contest the multiple social and material restrictions in their daily mobility to reclaim the urban transit spaces, specifically, roads. Ethnographic research on the automobile use and driving with the women doctors in Lahore, Pakistan reveal the relationship between these strategic practices and the educational and occupational choices of women. These spatially embedded, intentional practices of women doctors, contingent on their social and economic positions, are directly linked to the emerging gendered identities and changing social and material gendered boundaries in Pakistani society. Moreover, these changing spaces are part of on-going flux of shifting power relations between traditional patriarchy and capitalism. 相似文献
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Ayesha Siddiqa 《Development and change》2018,49(5):1336-1346
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In many parts of the world, higher education has increased female chances of paid work and reduced the economic benefits of marriage. In Iran, however, female labour force participation has remained in low rates despite considerable improvements in female education. In the absence of direct economic benefits of education for women, this paper uses data from the 2009 Time Use Survey, representing urban areas of Iran, to explore another pathway of the impact of education on transition to marriage. It is postulated that female education can lead to later marriage by changing women’s role priorities, at least in two ways. While enrolment in education is time-consuming and incompatible with requirements of marital life, higher education can increase the chances and desire for engagement in alternatives to the roles related to marriage. The findings provide partial support for both explanations. These findings not only deepen our understanding about differentials in the time use and the potential pathway of the impact of female education on marriage, but also provide important information for policy makers who are concerned with marital and fertility behaviours of the large cohort of young educated women in Iran. 相似文献
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Jalal Alamgir 《亚洲研究评论》2007,31(2):155-170
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