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Reviews     
Babi and Baha'i Religions: From Messianic Shi'ism to a World Religion, by Peter Smith, Cambridge University Press, London, New York, New Rochelle, Melbourne, Sydney 1987, pp.xiv, 243.

Panj Vaqf‐namah, by Mahmud Afshar Yazdi, (Five Endowment Deeds), Tehran Foundation for Mahmud Afshar Yazdi's Endowments, 1363/1984. Iraj Afshar and Karim Isfahaniyan, eds., Namvarah‐yi Doktor Mahmūd Afshar Yazdi (Mahmud Afshar Yazdi's Festschrift), 4 vols., Tehran: Foundation for Mahmud Afshar Yazdi's Endowments, 1364/1985–1367/1988.

Bulles et Sceaux sassanides de diverses collections, by Philippe Gignoux and Rika Gysclen, Paris: Sludia Iranica, Cahier 4, Association Pour l'avancemeni des études iraniennes, 1987, 306 pp, 23 plates.

Iran and Iraq at War , by Shahram Chubin and Charles Tripp, Boulder, Colorado: Westview Press, 1988.

The Tragedy of Sohrab and Rostam, from the Persian National Epic, the Shahnameh of Abol‐Qascm Ferdowsi, translated by Jerome W. Clinton, Seattle: The University of Washington Press, 1988, xxv + 190 pages, $25.00 cloth $12.50 paper.

Persian Carpets , by Michael Craig Hillmann, Austin: University of Texas Press, 1984, 98 pp. index to p. 112.

Resurrection and Renewal: The Making of the Babi Movement in Iran, 1844–1850, Abbas Amanat, Ithaca & London: Cornell University Press, 1989, pp. xv.+ 461, no price indicated.

Iran min al‐Dakhil, (Iran From Within), by Fahmi Huwaydi, Cairo: Markaz al‐Ahram li al‐tarjuma wa al‐nashr, 1987, 405 pp.

Woven From the Soul, Spun from the Heart: Textile Arts of Safavid and Qajar Iran, 16lh‐19lh Centuries , edited by Carol Bier, Washington, DC: The Textile Museum, 1987.

Summon Up Remembrance, by Marzich Gail, Oxford: George Ronald Books, 1987, 295 pp., appendix, bibliography, $14.95.

Iran and The United States, A Cold War Case Study, by Richard W. Cottam, Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1988. $12.95 pb.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT

Historic heritage buildings are a part of historic basis of each society and an economic resource. Therefore, preserving and maintenance of these buildings are cultural, economic and social demand. This research investigates the seismic performance of a historical building named Arg of Tabriz (Arge Alishah) that dates back to 14th century and is located at the city center of Tabriz (NW of Iran). Static, modal, and finally nonlinear dynamic (time history) analysis were performed by both “Considering Soil-Structure Interaction (SSI)” and “fixed base (ignoring SSI)” Cases.

It is found from the results that, SSI extremely affects mode shapes and their frequencies and depending on the frequency content of the records, can has an incremental or decremental effect on structural responses. As expected, the building of Arg could carry gravity loads easily and despite its stability against earthquake loading in fixed base case, showed a weakness (especially in eastern and western walls direction) and overturned when it was analyzed in SSI case because of yielding of the surrounding soil.  相似文献   
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Indus civilization or Harappan civilization, one of the oldest civilizations of the world, occupied a region that is an active flood plain. In the same region, even today floods are a major problem which every year kill hundreds and displace millions, rendering them homeless. In this paper, we have taken up the interesting task of how Harappans faced floods, and more importantly methods and strategies they developed to counter the effect of these floods as well as the drain they had on their might and economy. This prospect explores some new themes of Harappan historiography which will be vital for a better understanding of this civilization in addition to imparting lessons for the present and future generations, as for as management of the floods is concerned.  相似文献   
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In the 15‐year period since the Syrian military entry into Lebanon on June 1, 1976, allegedly to put an end to the civil war that broke out there a year earlier, Syria firmly solidified its control of the country, as evidenced by the signing of the “Treaty of Brotherhood, Cooperation and Coordination between Syria and Lebanon,” on May 22, 1991, which granted Syria a special status. Yet, 14 years later, on April 24, 2005, the Syrian forces withdrew from Lebanon. This article seeks to explain this relatively rapid decline in Syria's standing in Lebanon by examining the strategies of the two Syrian rulers who indirectly controlled this country during those years. It examines what was right in Hafiz al‐Asad's strategy in Lebanon, and what did not work in Bashar's policy. In 2000, the year of Hafiz al‐Asad's death, Syria's status in Lebanon seemed unshakable: 1) Lebanon's president (Emile Lahoud) acted as Damascus's puppet; 2) Hezbollah, the Shi‘a militia Hezbollah largely accepted Syria's authority while it simultaneously tightened its control over southern Lebanon and also began gaining popularity in the rest of the country; and 3) finally the politics of the noble families, which had characterized Lebanon since its establishment, began to gradually give way to a politics where a political figure is measured by the level of his connections to the country's power base in Damascus. Yet, merely five years later, Syria was under immense pressure to withdraw its forces from Lebanon. This suggests that we must look at the difference between the strategies of Hafiz al‐Asad and his son Bashar for controlling Lebanon to better understand the rapid deterioration in Syria's standing in the country. We argue that the difference in the degree of anti‐Syrian pressures from Lebanon's society and political elements between the two tenures is largely rooted in the different strategies that the two Syrian presidents adopted for informally ruling Lebanon. We identify three main areas where Bashar al‐Asad made mistakes due to his failure to continue his father's methods. First, Bashar put all his cards on Hezbollah, thus antagonizing all the other groups which resented that Shi‘a dominance. Second, in stark contrast to his father, Bashar distanced himself from the regular management of Lebanon's ethnic politics. Hafiz al‐Asad made sure that all the leaders of the different ethnic groups would visit Damascus and update him on their inter‐ethnic conflicts, and then he would be the one who would either arbitrate between them or, for expediency reasons, exacerbate these feuds. Once the ethnic leaders had to manage without Damascus, they learned to get along, making him far less indispensable for the running of the country. Finally, Bashar, unlike his father, did not make a real effort to gain international and regional legitimacy (or at least de‐facto acceptance) for Syria's continued control over Lebanon. Most conspicuously, while Hafiz participated in the First Gulf War against Iraq, his son supported Sunni rebels who fought against the United States‐led coalition forces there. This foreign acquiescence was significant since the Lebanese felt they had a backing when they demanded Syria's withdrawal in 2005. These different strategic approaches of the two rulers meant that the father's policies wisely laid the ground for some of the most controversial measures which were needed as part of any attempt to monopolize control over another country, such as Lebanon (assassinating popular but too independent‐minded Lebanese presidents/prime ministers or extending tenures of loyalist ones), whereas the son's policies myopically failed to do so properly. Indeed, the article will show that while both the father and the son took these same controversial measures, the responses of the Lebanese were completely different. Admittedly, some historical developments increased the Lebanese propensity to rise up against Syria, and these meant that Bashar did in fact face a harder task than his father in maintaining Syria's informal occupation. The Israeli withdrawal from its so‐called “security zone” in south Lebanon meant that one justification for the Syrian presence was gone. More importantly, the risk of renewed eruption of the civil war (which in turn had meant for many years a greater willingness by the locals to tolerate the Syrian presence which prevented the war's resumption) declined significantly due to a variety of processes that could not have been halted even with better “management” of the interethnic strife from Damascus (i.e., making sure that the ethnic groups remained in deep conflict with each other). Nevertheless, as we will show, Bashar's mistakes played a crucial role in bringing the rival ethnic groups together by making Damascus their joint enemy.  相似文献   
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Israel is a democracy splintered by religion and education. Two of its fastest growing religious groups, ultra‐Orthodox and Muslim Israeli Arabs, are not learning democratic principles or marketable skills that enable them to assist in the economic development of the country. Even Israelis who are attending secular and religious Israeli government schools are academically behind in mathematics as measured on 2011 international achievement tests of PISA and TIMSS. The history of religion and education from 1928 to 1955 built the foundation for the current divisions. The impact of the Ottoman and British occupation on citizens is particularized thorough the experiences of Elias Tuma, who lived under British and Israeli government systems. Today's educational system in Israel reinforces religious and sectarian conflict among its citizens. Educational and religious structural suggestions are provided for readers to consider. The implications of this work for future research are provided.  相似文献   
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The Sanandaj-Sirjan zone of Iran is a metamorphic belt consisting of rocks which were metamorphosed under different pressure and temperature conditions and intruded by various plutons ranging in composition from gabbro to granite. The majority of these granitoids formed along the ancient active continental margin of the Neo-Tethyan ocean at the southeastern edge of the central Iranian microplate. Geochronological data published in recent years indicate periodic plutonism lasting from Carboniferous through Mesozoic to late-Paleogene times (from ca. 300 to ca. 35 Ma) with climax activity during the mid- and late-Jurassic. The age constraints for plutonic complexes, such as Siah-Kouh, Kolah-Ghazi, Golpayegan (Muteh), Azna, Aligoodarz, Astaneh, Borujerd, Malayer (Samen), Alvand, Almogholagh, Ghorveh, Saqqez, Marivan, Naqadeh and Urumieh, clearly indicate the periodic nature of magmatism. Therefore, the Sanandaj-Sirjan zone preserves the record of magmatic activity of a complete orogenic cycle related to (1) Permocarboniferous(?) rifting of Gondwana and opening of the Neo-Tethyan ocean, (2) subduction of the oceanic crust, (3) continental collision and (4) post-collision/post-orogenic activities. The formation of the Marivan granitoids, northwestern Sanandaj-Sirjan zone, for which we present U-Pb zircon and titanite ages of ca. 38 Ma, can be related to the collisional and post-collisional stages of this orogenic cycle.  相似文献   
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This article aims at defining the role of constitutional courts in protecting the fundamental human rights of individuals, by relating the importance of constitutional judicial review and the established international standards related to the way it is performed. The study also provides an in‐depth analysis of the structure and working mechanism of the new constitutional court in Jordan with regard to its main functions described in the constitution of providing oversight of the constitutionality of laws and regulations in power, and interpreting provisions of the constitution. The study concludes that current statutory provisions with respect to the court proceedings and the method of undertaking its judicial work serve as safeguards that strengthen the role of the court in promoting individuals’ human rights. The study defines a vision of what is anticipated from the new constitutional court of Jordan and other courts in the field of defending human rights from the contemporary threats the world is facing, which only serve to increase fears among individuals that their basic rights are subject to serious attacks and violations.  相似文献   
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