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At the close of the 20th century, it was increasingly clear that Pacific Island countries would struggle to remain competitive in international commodity and merchandise trade. As governments worldwide embraced free trade, many Island exporters looked set to be displaced by more efficient producers elsewhere. Island policymakers also faced pressure from more powerful states to renegotiate trading arrangements to bring them into alignment with the rules of the World Trade Organization. This article explains how Pacific Island countries responded to the overlapping challenges of globalization. It considers strategies pursued by Island states in negotiations with the European Union (EU), and with Australia and New Zealand. In both cases, Pacific Islands pressed for agreements that would take account of their unique trading circumstances, and arrangements that would allow more Pacific Islanders to work abroad. After nearly two decades of talks, however, final results proved disappointing. A proposed regional Economic Partnership Agreement with the EU was essentially abandoned, and a regional trade agreement with Australia and New Zealand was concluded without the signature of Fiji or Papua New Guinea – the two largest Pacific Island economies. Ultimately, contemporary trade agreements in the Pacific achieved little to ameliorate the competitive disadvantages Pacific Island states face participating in international trade.  相似文献   
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Incentive programs to encourage landowners to protect habitat should be carefully designed to avoid motivation crowding: basically, replacing intrinsic reasons such as a land ethic with extrinsic ones like payments. Little research on motivation crowding tests real programs, and no such work has been done in Canada. We surveyed farmers in Nova Scotia in 2017 to explore whether participation in a new incentive program called Wood Turtle Strides, or knowledge about a similar incentive program potentially available in the future, would alter reported motivations to use riparian setbacks and buffers. Motivations to use setbacks or buffers were heavily intrinsic across all four survey cohorts: wildlife stewardship and sacrifice motivated actions more than social pressures. We were not able to statistically test for motivational crowding due to low program uptake and thus post-program survey responses, but there was no evidence of second-hand crowding: farmers being motivated by hearing about a program in an adjacent jurisdiction. Findings point to the significance of wildlife stewardship for many farmers, and persistent resistance to conservation among others, as well as a risk of low additionality. More post-program research is necessary to fully understand the program's net impact on motivations and conservation.  相似文献   
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Combined application of GIS modeling of polity boundaries and qualitative characterization of those boundaries in the Tuxtla Mountains, southern Veracruz, Mexico generated interesting questions and some answers regarding the regional political landscape. Not only did this process elucidate possible boundary locations, the process of evaluating these different hypotheses proved to be a useful exercise in characterizing the boundary and the nature of interaction between the polities controlled by Matacapan and Totocapan during the Classic period. I develop a seven variable classification for political boundaries to be used with coarse-grained settlement data.  相似文献   
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Wesley Attewell 《对极》2012,44(3):621-639
Abstract: The importance of war blogs is increasingly acknowledged, but their political dimensions remain largely unexplored. This paper provides a series of critical readings of Riverbend's Baghdad Burning and addresses two main issues. First, there is a systematic tension between the ways in which Riverbend is “subalternized” (by her readers and herself) and her attempts to reclaim the ground upon which post‐invasion Iraq is represented. Second, the invasion has fundamentally reworked the ways in which the figure of the “Iraqi” is constructed. These epistemological and ontological processes are always complex and partial: they occur at a variety of geographical scales and they are mobilized by a diversity of actors, making it very difficult to pin them down in time and space. Nevertheless, they highlight the difficulties of reducing Riverbend's project of resistance to a simple act of speaking out: of telling the reader what life is “really like” in occupied Baghdad.  相似文献   
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R. A. C. PARKER. Chamberlain and Appeasement: British Policy and the Coming of the Second World War. London: Macmillan, 1993. Pp. v, 388. £35.00;

GAINES POST, JR. Dilemmas of Appeasement: British Deterrence and Defense, 1934–1937. Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1993. $48.50 (US);

R. J. Q. ADAMS. British Politics and Foreign Policy in the Age of Appeasement, 1935–39. London: Macmillan, 1993. Pp. xii, 192. £40.00;

MICHAEL J. COHEN and MARTIN KOLINSKY, eds. Britain and the Middle East in the 1930s: Security Problems, 1935–1939. London: Macmillan, 1992. Pp. xvii, 231. $40.00;

BENNY MORRIS. The Roots of Appeasement: The British Weekly Press and Nazi Germany during the 1930s. London: Frank Cass, 1992. Pp. 212. $40.00 (US);

GERARD J. DE GROOT. Liberal Crusader: The Life of Sir Archibald Sinclair. New York: New York University Press, 1993. Pp. xi, 266. $35.00 (US);

CLEMENT LEIBOVITZ. The Chamberlain-Hitler Deal. Edmonton, Alberta: Les Éditions Duval Inc., 1993. Pp. viii, 544. No Price Available.  相似文献   
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