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We have investigated change in subsistence during the transition to agriculture in the site of Jiahu, Henan Province, China, using stable isotopic analysis of collagen and apatite in human bones. Millet agriculture is well documented at drier high latitudes of the Yellow River Valley, while rice agriculture predominated at wetter lower latitudes of the Yangtze Valley region. The early Neolithic site of Jiahu lies near the boundary between the drier north and wetter south. Archaeobotanical evidence shows that rice was a significant component of diet at Jiahu, but its δ13C value is similar to that of other foods, and therefore cannot be conclusively identified by carbon isotope analysis. Foxtail and broomcorn millets are the only C4 crops known for the Chinese Neolithic. Because of their high δ13C values, their consumption can be evaluated by stable carbon isotope analysis of human bone. Collagen reflects mainly the δ13C value of dietary protein, and apatite accurately records that of the whole diet. Isotopic analysis of 15 well-preserved samples from three periods shows that collagen δ13C values were very low for almost all individuals, suggesting C3-based foods dominated their diets. However, apatite carbonate δ13C values and δ13C spacing between collagen and apatite (Δ13Cap-co) indicate that millet may have been a minor component of the diet in this region. Individuals, who consumed the smallest amounts of animal protein, as indicated by low δ15N, generally had the highest apatite δ13C values. Archaeobotanical evidence for millet at Jiahu is needed to support this interpretation.  相似文献   
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Peter Ambrose 《对极》1973,5(1):2-14
Urban redevelopment plays the part of a secondary process parallel to that of industrial production. It is a compensating process: when the surplus value created by industry sinks to a low level, surplus value created by construction and speculative development rises instead. Urban planning masks this relationship and in so doing prevents not only a clear understanding of urban phenomena, but also the proper use of the city itself. This is why planning must be subjected to a radical critique which in the end will refute the state, its strategies and its misuse of urban space.  相似文献   
4.
The abundance, accessibility and value of limpets as a source of food and bait for coastal peoples have resulted in their high frequency in shell middens worldwide. The limpet Patella vulgata is found in middens from the Mediterranean to Norway, and morphometric and sclerochronological analyses of its shell can provide insight into harvesting patterns and paleoenvironmental variables valuable in reconstructing climate. Previous work with P. vulgata has relied on lines on the exterior of the shell, or on lines exiting on the shell surface in shell cross-section, as annual or sub-annual markers. Shell damage may compromise these lines and limit the use of some shells, but growth lines are also found in the better-preserved shell apex. We investigated whether the growth lines in the apex of P. vulgata from two locations in Northern Europe are annual using calcein-marking and recapture. Investigations were performed at one site in the Shetland Islands (UK) and at one site at the northern limit of P. vulgata's range in Northern Norway. We also used laser ablation to measure the concentration of minerals in the shells of two individuals from Shetland to determine if patterns of minerals suggested as bioproxies for temperature and productivity varied annually. All individuals deposited one growth line in the apex during their year in the field, and the lowest ratios of Sr/Ca and Ba/Ca and to a lesser extent Mg/Ca were coincident with annual lines on the shells from Shetland. Growth at both sites was modelled using the von Bertalanffy growth function, and apex growth was nearly five times faster in Shetland than in Norway, probably a result of differences in temperature between the two locations.  相似文献   
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When early reviewers of Darwin's "On the origin of species" chided him for neglecting to mention predecessors to his theory of evolution, he added an "historical sketch" in later editions. Among the predecessors he cited was a French émigré to American named Constantine Samuel Rafinesque, who in the mid-1830s had written about the emergence of new species at a time when most naturalists (including Darwin initially) accepted the biblical story of creation and assumed the immutability of species. Rafinesque discovered and named thousands of new plants and animals in his American travels and flooded the taxonomic literature with reports, which seemed incomplete, confusing, and excessive to other naturalists. He alienated many who later dismissed his findings and excluded them from the biological literature. Soon after Rafinesque's death in 1840, Asa Gray, the young American botanist, wrote a damning critique of his work and suggested it be ignored. How Darwin learned of Rafinesque and his views on species is the focus of this essay, which also mentions briefly the two other American naturalists cited by Darwin in his sketch. Gray seems the likely informant through his correspondence with Darwin or his close associates.  相似文献   
6.
Peter Ambrose 《对极》1976,8(1):2-14
Urban redevelopment plays the part of a secondary process parallel to that of industrial production. It is a compensating process: when the surplus value created by industry sinks to a low level, surplus value created by construction and speculative development rises instead. Urban planning masks this relationship and in so doing prevents not only a clear understanding of urban phenomena, but also the proper use of the city itself. This is why planning must be subjected to a radical critique which in the end will refute the state, its strategies and its misuse of urban space.  相似文献   
7.
Zooarchaeological faunal remains are commonly examined to investigate harvesting behavior. We determined limpet (Patella vulgata) shell size and shape, and estimated shell age from several middens at the Late Norse Sandwick South Site, Unst, Shetland, UK, whose strata represent distinct occupational phases (Phase 1: AD 1100–1200, Phase 2: AD 1200–1250, Phase 3: AD 1250–1350). Our goal was to determine if the many limpets found there could provide insight into Norse harvesting behavior. Shell length, conicity, and modeled age all declined between Phases 1 and 2, suggesting intensive, size-selective harvesting of limpets and a shift to harvesting lower in the intertidal zone between phases. Length and conicity varied in Phases 2 and 3 and no major changes seem to have occurred over these periods, indicating that harvesting maintained the limpet population at an impacted level throughout the later phases. The conicity decline between Phases 1 and 2 may also have been caused by increased storminess that accompanied the onset of the Little Ice Age. The mean length of modern limpet populations near the Norse site did not differ from the archaeological phases, but did vary among collection years. Limpets were 26% larger in 2015 than in 2012 and 2013, indicating that large interannual variations in population structure can occur over short time periods. Potentially the result of extreme storms removing small limpets, this result raises the possibility that size and conicity changes during the Sandwick South Site occupation, as well as in other early populations, could also be the result of environmental factors rather than human harvesting alone. We feel, however, that the most parsimonious explanation for the patterns we document is human harvesting.  相似文献   
8.
Ambrose Poynter 《考古杂志》2013,170(1):148-150
This paper reviews the use of hair pins in Roman Britain and examines in detail the ones made of metal which are found in the south. These are divided into twenty-five distinct and two miscellaneous groups, and the dating and distribution evidence for each is briefly discussed. It is shown that there is a distinction between those of the early and late Roman periods. The later first-and second-century groups tend to have restricted, regional distributions whereas the late third and fourth century ones are found throughout the area. There is also a change in length associated with time which is likely to be related to the way in which they were worn. An appendix on microfiche provides summary details of all the pins discussed.  相似文献   
9.
Measurements made at the Australian National University using laser ablation ICPMS show that none of the 88 analyzed obsidian artifacts from East Timor match either the known Papua New Guinea or the five Island SE Asian source samples in our ANU collections. There is a coastal journey of more than 3000 km between the occurrence of obsidians from the Bismarck Archipelago volcanic province of Papua New Guinea and the Sunda-Banda Arc volcanic chain, yet obsidian artifacts from the two important PNG sources of Talasea and Lou Island are found at coastal Bukit Tengkorak in eastern Sabah at a similar distance along with material that has no known source. Timor lies south of the eastern section of the active volcanic Banda Arc island chain but it is within range of possible rhyolite sources from there. Although there is a continuous chain of around 60 active volcanoes stretching from west Sumatra to the Moluccas most are basaltic to andesitic with few areas likely to produce high silica dacite–rhyolite deposits. This does not exclude the possibility that the volcanic landscapes may contain obsidian, but without detailed survey and chemical analysis of sources from the Sunda-Banda Arc the attribution of the Timor obsidian artifacts remains to be demonstrated. Timor may seem to be an unlikely source for the presence of obsidians as it lacks reports of the silica-rich rhyolite volcanic centers necessary to produce this material. Despite the absence of detailed survey and analysis of Indonesian obsidian sources, especially from the volcanically active Banda Arc, this paper presents evidence that one of two obsidian sources is clearly from Timor while the other, with less certainty, is also from an unknown local source.  相似文献   
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