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This paper inquires into whether the three types of arguments usually formulated in the normative literature on the legitimacy of secession – i.e. communitarian, choice, and remedial arguments – are articulated (or not) by separatist parties in Catalonia and Scotland. It concludes that these actors do use such arguments, but they tend to merge them in different combinations making a pluralist case for independence rather than developing monist reasoning as most political philosophers do. Furthermore, it finds a fourth type of argument which is under‐theorised in the relevant literature. This is an instrumental argument whereby independence is depicted not as an end in itself, but as a means to achieve better welfare and governance for the national population. It further proposes a fourfold theoretical scheme that links communitarian and choice arguments to a principled logic based on the belief in the existence of an absolute right to self‐determination and remedial and instrumental arguments to a consequentialist logic that legitimates secession on the condition that it serves the achievement of specific ends.  相似文献   
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Nearly 40% of agricultural workers in the United States earn an hourly wage that is within 10% of the prevailing state-level minimum wage. We evaluate the impact of the minimum wage on farm employment using county-level data from the United States Census of Agriculture. We employ long-differences specifications and find evidence of a dynamic, negative effect of the minimum wage on seasonal agricultural employment, but no effect on year-round agricultural employment. We estimate a long-run elasticity of total agricultural employment with respect to the minimum wage of about −0.40, which is both statistically and economically significant. Employers’ total expenditures on hired agricultural workers are not affected by the minimum wage. Finally, our analysis suggests that increases in minimum wages may lead to higher capital investment as well as the consolidation of farming operations in the agricultural sector.  相似文献   
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The idea of strategic planning for networks of cities and towns, encapsulated in the polynuclear urban region concept, has attracted growing interest in many European regions. Key themes include cooperation between neighbouring cities and coordination between functional policies. This article explores the theoretical benefits, including increased economies of scale and improvements in the strength and quality of internal interactions. It also applies these arguments to Central Scotland. As the largest concentration of economic activity in Scotland, with a high level of organizational fragmentation but growing cross boundary issues and coincident growth pressures and deficiencies, there are potential gains from a common strategic perspective. These include improved communications for inter‐firm collaboration and trade, more efficient labour and housing market interactions, and an institutional framework for planning and marketing important regional assets. Closer cooperation within a regional perspective could help the Central Belt to function better as an economic unit and facilitate its ongoing development.  相似文献   
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福泽谕吉既是一位近代启蒙思想家,也是一个征韩侵华论的积极倡导者。这种“矛盾”性,取决于他要着力完成的两大任务:一是建立主权独立的近代化国家;二是以武威“大东亚秩序”来取代札教“华夷秩序”。前者诱因于西方“条约体系”下的“民族国家”理念;后者催生于颠覆东亚“朝贡体系”进而取中国而代之的百年夙愿。两大任务的显隐交替和互为前提,解释了《文明论之概略》与《脱亚论》之间的表层矛盾和内在关联。  相似文献   
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春秋之时,史学作为学科远未形诸事实,然孔子历史思想与史学意识则多有表现。孔子伦理观念中蕴含着对人类社会共同体的认识;其以天人、古今、有道无道、文质等相对概念分析概括历史的变化;认同礼乐制度的不断完善,视其为人文的核心;重视君主及其道德在历史上的作用;敬鬼神而远之,以考量历史及其过程的途径去体贴天命,透散出历史理性;以文化传承者自任,整理、保存并阐发典籍;总结历史,以为救弊方案,体现出明道经世的史学价值取向。  相似文献   
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英国封建社会的起源,是西方学术界一个长期纷争不已的话题。19世纪90年代,英国历史学家儒德先后发表一系列论著,创立了英国封建制度起源于诺曼征服的学说。其实,白面世之日始,这一学说就一直受到质疑和批判,特别是20世纪下半叶,对其批判的浪潮一浪高过一浪。1973年,布朗在《英格兰封建制度起源》一书中,坚定地捍卫了诺曼征服是英国封建社会起源的理论,该书被视为是诺曼起源学说反批判的扛鼎之作。然而,从史实和学理两个角度而言,儒德所创立和布朗所恪守的诺曼起源学说都是难以获得证实的。  相似文献   
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