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While surveying and recording rock-art on Erromango over two field-seasons in 1996 and 1997, I had the pleasure of working with Vanuatu Cultural Centre (VCC) fieldworkers Jerry Taki and Sophie Nempan Sei. During this time, both Jerry and Sophie constructed a context of ‘meaning’ for the ‘black linear’ pictures that predominate in the rock-art of the island. Their ideas were highly influential in determining the direction of my research. Jerry spoke of the association of rock-art with warfare and women. Sophie identified certain motifs as clan designs, particularly those located in sites close to where she lives, at Happyland village in the south of the island. The aim of this paper is to understand more about the rock-art of Erromango by combining local knowledge and archaeological techniques of rock-art analysis. I focus on the black linear rock-art, describing its temporal placement and context of production. Temporal information is gleaned from patterns of superimposition among particular rock-art techniques and motif forms, as well as from independent archaeological and ethnographic contexts. It is proposed that black linear rock-art belongs to the most recent period of rock-art production on Erromango, likely within the last 400 years. Rock-art production and use is explored through artistic motifs evident on other items of material culture, including objects which are known, from ethnographic records, to be produced by either women or men. I suggest that black linear motifs were at least in part produced by women, perhaps to register their connection to place during periods of displacement. In accordance with Jerry's statements, ethnographic and archaeological evidence indicates that a salient feature of the island's social landscape over the last 400 years was small and large-scale intra- and inter-island wars. The black linear rock-art is interpreted in relation to this unstable social context.  相似文献   
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The article argues that Aboriginal women in urban aboriginal society experience very different oppressions than do white women in urban white society. Aboriginal women believe that their greatest oppression is racism not sexism. When their objective conditions are examined it becomes obvious that this is indeed so. In fact Aboriginal women are statistically better educated and better employed than are Aboriginal men. Other economic and societal factors combine to produce a situation whereby a black woman's status within her own society is very different to that of her white sisters. Black women are more likely to be heads of household; more likely to be political leaders and less likely to be child‐burdened than their white counterparts. Consequently women's movement demands such as abortion, child‐care, the right to work and sexual liberation are not given high priority by the Aboriginal women's movement. Aboriginal women's demands stem from the politics of poverty and discrimination. These are caused by racism not sexism.  相似文献   
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