NEW APPROACHES ON THE ARCHAIC TRADE IN THE NORTH‐EASTERN IBERIAN PENINSULA: EXPLOITATION AND CIRCULATION OF LEAD AND SILVER

A wide‐ranging study based on compositional and isotopic analyses of minerals and manufactured objects from the north‐eastern Iberian Peninsula and their respective archaeological and cultural contexts demonstrates significant lead mineral exploitation in the El Priorat area (Tarragona province) linked to Phoenician trade (seventh–sixth centuries BC). This exploitation continued, despite losing intensity, until the Romanization of the territory. Our project also aims to determine the nature and origin of the lead and silver supply in the northern Iberian territory surrounding the Phocaean enclave of Emporion, especially with regard to the demands of the colonial mint. The behaviour pattern of the circulation of lead, silver and copper in Catalonia in the period studied indicates a plurality of contemporary supply sources, although, at least from the fifth century BC onward, minerals and metals from the south‐eastern Iberian Peninsula take on considerable importance.     

Beyond the civic–ethnic dichotomy: investigating the structure of citizenship concepts across thirty‐three countries

ABSTRACT. The traditional distinction between civic and ethnic citizenship continues to dominate the study of citizenship concepts. In recent years, various authors have questioned the dichotomous character of these concepts. In this article, we empirically investigate the applicability of this dichotomy based on an analysis of International Social Survey Programme (ISSP) survey data across thirty‐three societies. The analysis demonstrates that this dichotomous structure can indeed be detected and therefore the theoretical dichotomy can be considered as empirically valid. While ethnic citizenship refers most strongly to having national ancestry, for civic citizenship the most important criterion seems to be to obey national laws. However, the ethnic concept of citizenship can also be defined in a negative manner: for ethnic citizenship, obeying the national laws is clearly not a sufficient condition. Further analysis also reveals that the measurement of both concepts is not equivalent cross‐nationally, so that findings on civic and ethnic citizenship are difficult to compare across societies.     

The Time to Kill a Snake: Gitlow v. New York and the Bad‐Tendency Doctrine

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MICROZONATION OF THE EXPECTED SEISMIC SITE EFFECTS ACROSS PORT VILA,VANUATU

The city of Port Vila, Vanuatu, is located in one of the most active seismic regions on earth. Earthquakes are felt frequently and, due to very rapid plate convergence rates, return period of large earthquakes (M>6) in the New Hebrides Benioff zone can be less than 10 years. Even though Port Vila does not lie on an identified seismic fault zone, strong motions by nearby earthquakes have to be expected due to the city's geographical location close to the plate boundary of New Hebrides convergence zone. An accurate estimation of the seismic ground motion across the city is of prime importance for urban developments and mitigation of earthquake risk. Following many examples of monitored strong earthquakes in the current century, it is evident that the local site effects may have a dominant contribution to the intensity of damage and destruction. In this study we focussed on the first stage of associating site effects and seismic hazard by preparing a microzonation map for Port Vila. The seismic microzonation of the city has been carried out to provide a detailed map of the zones that exhibit site effects in terms of resonance frequencies and approximated amplification of the ground shaking. Having in mind that these data will be used in improving building design to sustain strong ground motions, our analysis is limited to the frequency band of 1–10 Hz, corresponding to the expected resonance of different types of buildings in Port Vila. The Nakamura technique has been used to estimate site amplification effects from single station noise recordings. Interestingly, excluding one site located on an old dump zone, the amplification factors at about the 100 sites surveyed in Port Vila remain below 3 with an average well below 2 in the 1 to 10 Hz frequency band. These results suggest that there is no significant Vs velocity change in consequently layered material and that the uppermost sedimentary layers in the surveyed down town area are relatively thin. These observations are in agreement with the mapping of limestone terraces throughout Port Vila area. However, both the surface geology and results from seismic zonation indicate a thicker (up to several tens of meters) sedimentary cover around the Bauerfield airport and in the Mele terrace zone. Low resonance frequencies (around and below 1 Hz) and amplification factor of the order of 5 were observed over this large area, immediately outside Port Vila. Any building development in this area should take these results into account.     

Kosovo's final status

The Ahtisaari comprehensive proposal for a settlement of the status of Kosovo met with deadlock in the UN Security Council. It would neither be endorsed nor imposed upon the parties. In view of that position, a new round of negotiations, conducted by the EU, Russia and the US, was launched over a period of 120 days. During these discussions, Serbia's President Boris Tadic revealed a significant measure of flexibility when putting forwards options for wide‐ranging self‐government for Kosovo. However, these forward‐looking positions were undermined by a less advanced proposal emanating from other parts of the Belgrade government, including the Prime Minister. Moreover, the Serbian parliament sought to preempt developments by unilaterally adopting its own constitutional amendments relating to Kosovo, further undermining the credibility of Serbia's position at the international level. However, it could be argued that had Belgrade been willing to begin the previous round of negotiations let by Martti Ahtisaari with the advanced offers it was putting at the very end of the process, a different outcome might have resulted. Such action might have put pressure on western governments to impose an advanced autonomy settlement on Kosovo, rather than putting Belgrade under pressure to accept the Ahtisaari plan. In the end, Kosovo's independence was unilateral in two senses. On the one hand, Kosovo declared independence without the benefit of agreement from Belgrade or cover from the UN Security Council. On the other hand, Kosovo unilaterally accepted the provisions emanating from the Ahtisaari talks. These concessions had been made in the expectation that agreed independence would be forthcoming in return. Belgrade was therefore able to oppose independence and work against its consolidation, while profiting from Kosovo's agreement to the plan it had rejected.     

The Vienna negotiations on the final status for Kosovo

The Vienna negotiations on the final status for Kosovo were an impossible project. It was clear at the outset that both parties would not be able to find common ground on the status issue. However, the talks focused on the practical issues of governance in Kosovo, such as decentralization, community rights and cultural heritage. It was thought that these could be addressed, initially at least, in a status‐neutral way. While the parties did not manage to agree on all or most of these problems, the UN Special Envoy, Martti Ahtisaari, generated a comprehensive proposal offering compromise solutions that should have been acceptable to both sides. The recommendation of the Special Envoy in favour of supervised independence was deliberately separated from the comprehensive proposal. It was thought that the UN Security Council would at least endorse the proposal, even if it was ultimately unwilling to pronounce itself in favour of independence. The issue of status might then be settled outside the Council. However, when it appeared to some states on the Council that endorsement of the substantive Ahtisaari plan would in fact be tantamount to acceptance of independence, this avenue was closed.