首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
文章检索
  按 检索   检索词:      
出版年份:   被引次数:   他引次数: 提示:输入*表示无穷大
  收费全文   101篇
  免费   6篇
  2023年   1篇
  2020年   1篇
  2019年   1篇
  2015年   6篇
  2014年   2篇
  2013年   7篇
  2012年   6篇
  2011年   3篇
  2010年   3篇
  2009年   8篇
  2008年   7篇
  2007年   6篇
  2006年   3篇
  2005年   3篇
  2004年   2篇
  2002年   1篇
  2001年   2篇
  2000年   1篇
  1998年   2篇
  1997年   2篇
  1996年   6篇
  1993年   1篇
  1991年   2篇
  1990年   1篇
  1989年   5篇
  1987年   3篇
  1986年   3篇
  1985年   1篇
  1984年   2篇
  1983年   1篇
  1980年   1篇
  1979年   3篇
  1978年   2篇
  1976年   1篇
  1975年   1篇
  1973年   1篇
  1971年   1篇
  1970年   2篇
  1968年   1篇
  1967年   1篇
  1966年   1篇
排序方式: 共有107条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
1.
JAMES A. FIELD  JR. 《外交史》1989,13(1):113-122
Review in this Article
Michael H. Hunt. Ideology and U.S. Foreign Policy . New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987. xiv + 237 pp.  相似文献   
2.
Review in this Article
David F. Schmitz. The United States and Fascist Italy, 1922–1940 . Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1988. x + 273 pp  相似文献   
3.
4.
Constructions of Filipina Migrant Entertainers   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
While international labor migration from South and South-east Asia has received a considerable amount of attention in academic circles, a feminist discourse is largely ignored. This ignorance is reflected in a dearth of materials on women labor migrants, as well as explicit considerations of gender. Discussions of Filipina migrant entertainers commonly emphasize poverty as the primary determinant of their movement. Evidence does suggest that unemployment in the Philippines has contributed to their search for overseas employment. However, this discourse has kept hidden other institutionalized forms of oppression that continuously and simultaneously affect Filipina migrant entertainers. In particular, the concrete realities of their gender, race, and nationality have been replaced by a reductionist overemphasis on economic factors. Through an examination of government and private institutions engaged in the recruitment, deployment, regulation, and protection of overseas contract workers, I identify and deconstruct four controlling images of Filipina migrant entertainers: the Other; the prostitute; the willing victim; and the heroine. I argue that these reflect the observer's intention, objectives, and motives in addressing the situation of Filipina migrant entertainers. Specifically, these representations of Filipina migrant entertainers have been socially constructed to rationalize and justify the existing material conditions encountered by the women. This analysis transcends more traditional migration studies that focus predominantly on a single factor- economics-to the exclusion of other interrelated aspects, such as gender, race, and nationality. The discussion addresses the epistemological foundations of how the migration of Filipina entertainers is contextualized.  相似文献   
5.
Relations between Canadian industrial location policy and manufacturing change in the Georgian Bay region of Ontario are examined. To span the pre- and post-policy periods, a census of manufacturing establishments was constructed from 1961 to 1975. Its analysis reveals that incentives had a substantial immediate direct effect on the volume and structure of regional manufacturing, both in absolute terms and in relation to trends in the provincial economy. As a catalyst for self-sustaining regional development and improved regional economic well-being, however, the programme's results are more equivocal.
Ce travail examine les rapports entre la politique canadienne de la location des industries et les changements dans les manufactures dans la région de la Baie de Georgie. Afin de couvrir les périodes qui précèdent et suivent l' introduction de cette politique, nous avons fait un recensernent des etablissements industriels de 1961 à 1975. L' analyse de cette information démontre que les stimulants eurent de façon immédiate et directe des effets importants sur le niveau et la structure de l' industrie dans cette région; cela en termes absolus ainsi que par rapport aux tendances de l' économie provinciale. Cependant les effets à plus long terme du programme sont plus équivoques en ce qui concerne son efficacité comme catalyseur d' un développement régional qui se perpétue et d' une amélioration du bien-être économique de la région.  相似文献   
6.
Summary. A fifth-century B.C. 'Melian'clay relief showing Odysseus has been rediscovered in a private collection. It is here related to other specimens and the creation of a nineteenth-century forgery of a related type is discussed.  相似文献   
7.
Historians have taken a beating in recent times from an array of critics troubled by our persistent unwillingness to properly theorize our work. This essay contends that their criticisms have generally failed to make headway among mainstream historians owing to a little noticed cognitive byproduct of our work that I call history as philosophy. In so doing I offer a novel defense of professional history as it has been understood and practiced in the Anglophone world over the last half‐century or so while suggesting, in conclusion, that historians could not do other than they do without serious psychic and societal loss.  相似文献   
8.
This article examines the extent to which states are able to interact at an official level with a contested or de facto state—a state that has unilaterally declared independence but is not a member of the United Nations—without being understood to have recognized it. This is an area of increasing interest and relevance to policy‐makers as the number of contested states has grown in recent years. In many cases, interaction may be important for ongoing peace efforts. However, there are also instances when a state is prevented from recognizing the territory in question for specific domestic or foreign policy reasons and so has to find alternative means by which to cooperate. Drawing on several key examples, notably Kosovo and the ‘Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus’, but also with reference to Abkhazia, the article explores the limits of interaction across various different forms of bilateral and multilateral diplomatic activity. As is shown, albeit with some significant provisos, legal theory and historic practice suggest that diplomatic engagement does not constitute recognition if there is no underlying intent to recognize. This means that there is in fact a very high degree of latitude regarding the limits of diplomatic engagement with contested states. This is especially the case in bilateral contexts. Indeed, in some circumstances, the level of engagement can even amount to recognition in all but name.  相似文献   
9.
The article explores parallels between the fragility of globalization on the eve of the First World War, in the aftermath of the financial crisis of 1907, and today's crisis of globalization following the post‐2007 recession. The fragility and interconnectedness of the international economy in both cases could provide a basis for an economic–military strategy. The temptation of using economic connectedness as a substitute for conventional and costly military strategy makes this course particularly attractive to a hegemon—the UK then, the US now—that is facing powerful competition from rising powers (Germany and the US then, China now). The challengers are likely to find their own alternative strategy, and the result breeds uncertainty. In consequence, rule‐based international orders are generally strained by transitions of power, even though all the parties see the desirability and need for a common system of rules.  相似文献   
10.
The Trades Disputes Act of 1906 occupies an important positionin the history of trade unionism, industrial relations, andlabour politics. Far less attention has been devoted to itsplace in the development of Liberal politics. Historians ofliberalism tend to portray the act as an uninteresting reversionto the pre-Taff Vale position and symptomatic merely of theparty's desire to placate labour. This article suggests thatexisting accounts of the Act's genesis place insufficient emphasison its Liberal origins and that arguments about trade unionlaw provide important insights into the character of the partyand its creed. The argument is in three parts. The first considersthe constraints on liberal legislators. The second investigatesthe meaning of the debates surrounding the Act's passage. Itrestores the Act to its proper intellectual context by recoveringthe variety of views about trade union law present in Edwardianliberalism. The last section uses these arguments to demonstrateboth the resilience of radicalism within the party and the emergenceof a novel social democratic progressivism. Only thus, it isclaimed, is it possible to understand the passage and meaningof the Act. * A number of people have helped in the preparation of thisarticle. I would like to thank David Armutage, Eugeruo Biagiru,Elizabeth Emens, Jon Lawrence, Nomi Levy, Alastair Reid, EmmaRothschild, Lisa Tiersen and Philip Waller I benefited greatlyfrom the comments of the anonymous referees and the assistanceof the editors of Twentieth Century British History. I owe aspecial debt of gratitude to David Cannadine, Peter Clarke andVictoria de Grazia.  相似文献   
设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号