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European and international organisations after the Second World War united not only Western European politicians but also Eastern European exiles. The latter are often represented one‐sidedly: either as powerless members or as important trailblazers of future European unity. This article tries to analyse their role more systematically by means of the case of the Nouvelles Équipes Internationales, the Christian Democratic ‘International’. It states that exiles could sometimes exert influence on congress resolutions and opinion making, but they remained very dependent on the Western agenda and in fact they carried coals to Newcastle, as Christian Democracy presented itself as the opposite of communism. Moreover, it shows that most exiles very rarely expressed their disappointment concerning the limited efficiency of their actions, and in fact contented themselves with their recognition and presence. As a consequence, many possibilities for exile action were missed, as can be illustrated by exiles who aimed at more than the recognition of their legitimacy.  相似文献   
2.
Belgium has a very one-sided way of dealing with its colonial past in its public space. The country has hundreds of street names and memorials for white colonials, but not a single tribute to a Congolese. There are at least fifteen monuments for King Leopold II, some of which are occasionally vandalized, but only one presents a plaque with background information. Only one other monument, for a missionary in Antwerp, has been contextualized with an interpretive panel. The demand of Congolese migrants to name a square in the Brussels borough Ixelles/Elsene after Lumumba, has yet to be satisfied after more than ten years.

This situation contrasts that of other former colonial metropoles and can be explained by several factors. Belgium has far fewer postcolonial migrants, who in other countries often have the loudest and most critical voice in the postcolonial debate. Moreover, the postcolonial fight in Belgium is waged with sensitive symbols: a king (Leopold II) and an assassinated prime minister (Lumumba). This makes the debate much more emotionally charged. Last but not least, Belgium has gone through a great identity crisis over the past ten years. Left-wing pundits, who are traditionally more critical of the colonial past, and mainstream opinion-makers have avoided sparking the postcolonial debate so as to not fuel Flemish nationalism.  相似文献   
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