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HUGH EMY 《Australian journal of political science》1997,32(3):383-400
This paper sympathises with both conservatives who oppose continual tampering with the Constitution and progressive reformers wishing to improve its democratic character. It suggests a constitutional reconciliation between the two is feasible if both take more account of the position advanced by federal constitutionalists. Such a reconciliation would leave the mainframe of the Constitution intact and establish it more securely as an authoritative framework for political association. Doing so would also resolve much of the normative confusion surrounding the polity, help establish a more coherent philosophy of government in Australia, and subsume the translation to a republic. 相似文献
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HUGH MORRISON 《The Journal of religious history》2006,30(1):77-93
There has been a paucity of reflective and contextual analysis of New Zealand's historical involvement in the international missionary movement. This article suggests that existing literature falls into four categories: denominational/organizational histories; biographies and personal narratives; unpublished university theses; and a small body of more reflective and contextual works. Historical analysis since 1990 reflects wider historical discourses, rather than being the specific product of mission history. Valuable analysis has focused on women's involvement, culture contact, and the relationship between New Zealand missions, European colonialism and indigenous nationalist movements. Yet the theological nature of missionary involvement has been less extensively understood, obscuring the nuanced nature of things like missionary motivation and the relationship with colonialism. A lacuna still exists with respect to: a comprehensive and comparative analysis of post‐1945 missionary involvement; micro and macro‐historical analysis of missionary support; the gendered nature of missionary support; and the role of children and young people in missionary structures and discourse. 相似文献
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The 1960s was a particularly rich period in the history of UKtax reform The decade also saw an ambitious attempt by the UKgovernment to reverse Britain's relative economic decline viathe adoption of a Keynesian-plus package of enhanceddemand management, incomes policy, and indicative planning.This article argues that the two phenomena were closely related.It argues that the new Keynesian-plus policy framework transcendedparty ideology and led both the Conservative government andits Labour successor to use the tax system in a constructiveattempt to intervene in the economy to try and raise growth.Nevertheless,despite a high level of elite consensus on the need to makethe tax structure more growth oriented, and despite a good dealof policy continuity between the two governments, viewed asa whole the changes that were made lacked coherence. A combinationof Britain's adversarial party system, a tradition of secretivegovernment Policy-making, and the profound fragmentation ofBritish policy-making, institutions made it impossible to deviseand implement a strategic programme of reform. 相似文献
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HUGH SMITH 《Australian journal of political science》1998,33(2):219-233
In Western democracies armed forces perform a variety of internal functions. This paper examines the principles and issues relating to the use of the Australian Defence Force in the enforcement of law against individual citizens and aliens. This function is normally the responsibility of the police but there are pressures in Australia and overseas for the wider use of armed forces in this field. Traditional restraints on the employment of armed forces in this capacity date back to parliamentary resistance to the power of the Crown. Several barriers, constitutional, legal and institutional, have developed to ensure that the executive cannot easily abuse its necessary control over the armed forces in a way that endangers civil liberties. While there is no serious danger of such abuse at present, several issues need to be monitored. 相似文献