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Twenty‐first‐century political crises stretching from Europe to the Middle East and the Asia–Pacific have undermined the worldview that governed post‐Cold War western thinking about a liberal end of history. This worldview assumed that shared norms and transnational institutions would transform the state based‐order. In this context, the use of force is considered appropriate only for humanitarian ends meeting a set of predetermined axioms laid down in chapter 7 of the UN Charter. Yet for any strategy to be effective—in an international order subject to change—a clear political aim is required, which might deviate from the general rule. Preoccupied with universal postulates, legal normativism has lost sight of the particular. The argument put forth in this article is that the failure of contemporary western foreign policy in the twenty‐first century to address this limitation or to prioritize political ends has led to strategic confusion from Afghanistan to Syria and Ukraine. In this context, it might be useful to reappraise the utility of abstract rationalist approaches to global governance and return instead to an earlier understanding of statecraft that avoided premature generalizations and treated norms as maxims of prudence rather than axioms requiring universal application. 相似文献
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NEIL HOWARD 《Anthropology today》2019,35(6):14-17
Within trafficking discourses, men appear as predatory and exploitative, while boys appear as victims. This flattens the complexities of social life and obscures the ways that constructs of masculinity frame the trajectories of labour migrants and their brokers. This article challenges those discourses, drawing on research with two groups of labour migrants characterized as ‘victims of trafficking’, as well as with ‘traffickers’ who help them to move and work. The first are adolescents moving from Benin to the gravel quarries of Abeokuta, Nigeria. The second are adults from across West Africa who have made the illegal journey to Italy, where they live in ‘ghettos’ and work as gang labourers on harvests. In each case, migrants and their brokers come from the same or similar communities; (shared) ideals of masculinity structure their mobility and labour. Gendered transitions towards adulthood, the pressure to attain riches and status and a duty of responsibility to those younger and less successful are important. A focus on their masculinities takes us beyond ‘victim-perpetrator’ dyads. 相似文献
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CYVE JONES 《Parliamentary History》2008,27(2):261-264
The parliamentary organisation of the whig Junto in the reign of Queen Anne was far superior to that of the tory party. At the centre were the meetings in which three or four of the five members of the Junto were present together with some of their followers. Evidence of such meetings is rare but here is presented a letter giving the details of a meeting of all five in April 1713 at the home of Lord Somers, together with their ally, the tory earl of Nottingham, probably to discuss the forthcoming peace proposals, to end the war of the Spanish Succession, and the protestant succession to the British throne. 相似文献
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HOWARD F. ANDREWS 《The Canadian geographer》1987,31(1):12-20
Agrégation played a key role in the operation of the Université de France of the nineteenth century but is poorly understood in the English-speaking world. Characteristics of the French Université are outlined, and the agrégation competition of 1866 in which Vidal de la Blache participated is described in detail, as further illustration of the early training and intellectual orientation of the future founder of the French school of human geography. Characteristics of the successful candidates in the agrégation examinations are then examined, and possible reasons for the perennial shortage of agrégés teaching in the Université are suggested .
Alors que l'agrégation était une force majeure pour le fonctionnement de l'Université de France au xixmesiècte elte n'est que faiblement comprise au delà du monde français. Dans cet article, j'expose quelques traits principaux de l'Université française et j'explique en détail le concours d'agrégation de 1866, dans lequel Vidal de la Blache a concouru, pour illustrer cette étape importante dans la formation intellectuelle et professionnelle du future fondateur de I'Ecole française de la Géographic humaine. Puts, j'examine les caratéristiques des concurrents reçus à l'agrégation et j'avance quelques raisons possibles pour expliquer le deficit continuel d'agrégés dans les postes enseignants de l'Université, durant le XIXme siècle . 相似文献
Alors que l'agrégation était une force majeure pour le fonctionnement de l'Université de France au xixmesiècte elte n'est que faiblement comprise au delà du monde français. Dans cet article, j'expose quelques traits principaux de l'Université française et j'explique en détail le concours d'agrégation de 1866, dans lequel Vidal de la Blache a concouru, pour illustrer cette étape importante dans la formation intellectuelle et professionnelle du future fondateur de I'Ecole française de la Géographic humaine. Puts, j'examine les caratéristiques des concurrents reçus à l'agrégation et j'avance quelques raisons possibles pour expliquer le deficit continuel d'agrégés dans les postes enseignants de l'Université, durant le XIXme siècle . 相似文献
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OWAIN JONES 《Gender, place and culture : a journal of feminist geography》1999,6(2):117-136
By following and connecting certain well-trodden routes through constructions of childhood, it is possible to arrive at a point at which the 'natural' gender of childhood is apparently male. This is indicated by the fact that girls are often termed 'tomboys' in both popular and lay discourses, even when they are partaking in what are seen to be the purest, most ideal childhoods which are present in notions of country childhood idylls. Children, nature, and the countryside as surrogate nature, are all seen as innocent, and thus notions of idyllic 'natural' country childhoods become a powerful force. Heavily influenced by romantic constructions of, and connections between, childhood, nature and the countryside, such views, it will be shown, leave little space for girl children to adopt female identities. The author suggests that this ideal association of male children and nature, and the accompanying notion that it is the development of female sexuality which in particular marks a departure from the natural state of childhood, and thus ends childhood, merits consideration. This is particularly so in the contexts of various discourses, such as romanticism, feminism and ecofeminism, which have explored links between the female and the natural. The aim is not to challenge these constructions and theorisations of gender and nature directly, but rather to show how the introduction of the notion of childhood might cross-cut, problematise and even illuminate them to some degree. 相似文献
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One of the paradoxical effects of the 7 July bombings in London was to expose the ambivalence in the British government's attempt to wage war on terror by forcefully prosecuting war against those who resort to jihad abroad, actively participating in coalitions of the willing whether in Afghanistan or Iraq, while affording some of Islamism's key ideologists and strategists a high degree of latitude in the United Kingdom itself. This indicates a number of contradictions in official policy that simultaneously recognizes the globalized threat from violent Islamic militancy while, under the rubric of multiculturalism, tolerating those very strains of Islamist radicalism, some of which draw upon the interdependent and transnational character of conflict, to render the UK vulnerable to those very same violent forces. Consequently, the British authorities displayed a studied indifference towards this developing transnational phenomenon both during the 1990s and in some respects even after the London bombings. To explore the curious character of the government's response to the Islamist threat requires the examination of the emergence of this radical ideological understanding and what it entails as a reaction to modernization and secularism in both thought and practice. The analysis explores how government policies often facilitated the non-negotiable identity politics of those promoting a pure, authentic and regenerated Islamic order both in the UK and abroad. This reflected a profound misunderstanding of the growing source and appeal of radical Islam that can be interpreted as a consequence of the slow-motion collision between modernity in its recent globalized form and an Islamic social character, which renders standard western modernization theory, and indeed, the notion of a 'social science' itself, deeply questionable. 相似文献