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Franz Graf-Stuhlhofer 《Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte》1995,18(4):227-231
In presenting events in history, the historian is forced to select a few people. This selection of people choosen by the historian is an evaluation in itself. How restricted is his selection? In the history of science we could ask: How large is the proportion of selected scientists in comparison with those that are not mentioned? The answer: A book that covers the entire history of science, usually will select one out of about three hundred scientists. 相似文献
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Bénédicte Zimmermann 《European Review of History》1998,5(1):9-23
Concepts of unemployment or of the labour market are not abstract, but develop from each society's own particular logic. Taking the examples of Germany and France at the end of the nineteenth century, it is possible to see how these concepts were constructed in specific national contexts, and how they were then used in practice. This analysis leads us to rethink current ideas about work and unemployment, and to ask what their future will be in a united Europe. 相似文献
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Susan Zimmermann 《国际历史评论》2019,41(1):200-227
This study brings together the often disparate scholarship on the League of Nations and the ILO. It follows the interactions between the League, women internationalists, and the ILO, which evolved around the question of woman-specific labor legislation and the equality of women's status. These interactions resulted in a broadening mandate of international gender policies while deepening the institutional and legal distinction between women's ‘political and civil’ as opposed to their ‘economic’ status. The ILO insisted on certain forms of women-specific labor regulation as a means of conjoining progressive gender and class politics, and was anxious to ensure its competence in all matters concerning women's economic status. The gender equality doctrine gaining ground in the League was rooted in a liberal-feminist paradigm which rejected the association of gender politics with such class concerns, and indeed aimed to force back the ILO's politics of gender-specific international labor standards. As a result of the widening divide between the women's policies of the League and the ILO, the international networks of labor women reduced their engagement with women's activism at the League. The developments of the 1930s deepened the tension between liberal feminism and feminisms engaging with class inequalities, and would have problematic long-term consequences for international gender politics. 相似文献
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