The Political Organisation of Space: A Reformist Conception

This paper outlines four primary functions of the political organisation of space—participation, representation, service delivery and control It argues that there are inherent conflicts in the maximisation of these functions and that political geographers have paid insufficient attention to the degree to which territoriality implies a pre-eminence of the control function. It is suggested that a ‘reformist’ conception of political geography is necessary in order to evaluate the extent to which this actually occurs and to make the sub-discipline more policy relevant.     

The evaluation of electoral redistributions: the case of Western Australia*

Electoral boundaries may be delimited by electoral commissioners who are explicitly non-partisan but the consequences of their decisions are generally highly partisan. An evaluation of the State redistribution in Western Australia reveals that the Liberal Party was given a significant initial advantage for the 1983 State Election. Indicators used in the evaluation procedure include political party competition, shape, the integrity of political units, predictors of voting behaviour, as well as the re-aggregation of the 1983 election results by the pre-redistribution boundaries.     

The Race Relations Policy of the First Wilson Government

This article seeks to explore the evolution of a race relationspolicy in the first period of the Wilson government. It is arguedthat Wilson adopted a triple approach. This included the followingcomponents: a tightening of immigration control to satisfy seniorfigures in his government who had been badly shaken by the Smerhwickelection result; a commitment to outlaw racial incitement which,it was hoped, would influence favourably Commonwealth and widerworld opinion; the introduction of race relations machineryto promote integration and reconciliation, advocated both bymore progressive elements in his own party and in the widerpolitical world. In 1965 he attempted to ensure that all theseapproaches were kept in balance and that the issue of race,rising up the political agenda in the early 1960s, ceased tocreate the prospect of dangerous disagreements with his mainpolitical opponents. In the short term he overcame a range ofchallenges and secured a political agenda in which issues concerningimmigration became less confrontational. After marginalizationof immigration issues in the 1966 election Jenkins had spaceto pursue the more liberal aspects of the policy. The exodusof East African Asians, together with Enoch Powell's determinationto use the lessons of Smethwick to exploit differences withthe Conservative leadership, ensured that Wilson's success was,however, short-lived.     

Palaeoepidemiological Patterns of Trauma in a Medieval Nubian Skeletal Population

Evidence of trauma was investigated in a well-preserved skeletal sample from the Medieval Sudanese Nubian site of Kulubnarti. The skeletal materials derive from two temporally over-lapping Christian cemeteries, dating from the sixth to circa the sixteenth century. The available sample consisted of the skeletons of 146 adults which were investigated for fractures of the long bones, crania and the hands and feet, as well as for dislocations and muscle pulls. Results showed a high incidence of long bone fractures, seen especially in the forearm, and involving 33.5 per cent of individuals. Many of these lesions indicated quite severe injury, and an unusually high number of affected individuals (27 per cent) showed multiple long bone involvement. Conversely, only one possible cranial fracture was apparent. Fractures were also found in 13 hand and seven foot elements. In addition, one hip dislocation and evidence of pulled tendons in 11 individuals were also observed. Compared to other similarly controlled samples, the Kulubnarti population stands out for its high prevalence of healed fractures, the high proportion of multiple involvement and the severity of numerous lesions. The forbiddingly harsh and uneven terrain of this region of Nubia was most likely a major influence on the unusually high prevalence and pattern of traumatic lesions in this group. © 1997 by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Int. J. Osteoarchaeol., 7 : 103–114 (1997) No. of Figures: 5. No. of Tables: 5. No. of References: 25.     

The movement against illegal immigration: analysis of the central node in the Russian extreme‐right movement

ABSTRACT. The goal of this article is to analyse the political communication style of the Movement Against Illegal Immigration (Dvizheniye Protiv Nelegalnoy Immigrazii – DPNI), which is one of the central nodes in the Russian extreme‐right movement web network. In the article, the political communication style of the organisation is investigated at two levels – the presentation of online identity and the presentation of offline identity. Online self‐presentation is studied by means of the qualitative analysis of the incoming links (position in the web network) and the internal structure of the website. DPNI is conceptualised as a new type of political organisation based on the networking principle allowing flexible membership and based on the interplay of its online and offline self‐presentations. The study provides insights into how the new media become embedded in the political communication of extreme‐right political organisations in Russia.     

Sri Lankan Muslims: between ethno‐nationalism and the global ummah

ABSTRACT. Sri Lanka's Sunni Muslims or “Moors”, who make up eight percent of the population, are the country's third largest ethnic group, after the Buddhist Sinhalese (seventy‐four per cent) and the Hindu Tamils (eighteen per cent). Although the armed LTTE (Tamil Tiger) rebel movement was defeated militarily by government forces in May 2009, the island's Muslims still face the long‐standing external threats of ethno‐linguistic Tamil nationalism and pro‐Sinhala Buddhist government land and resettlement policies. In addition, during the past decade a sharp internal conflict has arisen within the Sri Lankan Muslim community between locally popular Sufi sheiks and the followers of hostile Islamic reformist movements energised by ideas and resources from the global ummah, or world community of Muslims. This simultaneous combination of “external” ethno‐nationalist rivalries and “internal” Islamic doctrinal conflict has placed Sri Lanka's Muslims in a double bind: how to defend against Tamil and Sinhalese ethnic hegemonies while not appearing to embrace an Islamist or jihadist agenda. This article first traces the historical development of Sri Lankan Muslim identity in the context of twentieth‐century Sri Lankan nationalism and the south Indian Dravidian movement, then examines the recent anti‐Sufi violence that threatens to divide the Sri Lankan Muslim community today.     

Taboos and denial in government responses

The most striking fact about HIV/AIDS is that it continues to spread even when the means of prevention are well known and do not demand costly technology to implement. This article argues that the fundamental barriers to effective prevention are social and cultural, and that many authorities place more emphasis on preserving traditional norms and social arrangements than on saving lives. The case is argued with particular reference to the impact of globalization on sexual behaviours, and the attempts by conservatives to deny existing behaviours and vulnerabilities. Current debates around abstinence, homosexuality and harm minimization are discussed to demonstrate the deeply political nature of HIV prevention.