From Spatial Keynesianism to Post‐Fordist Neoliberalism: Emerging Contradictions in the Spatiality of the Irish State

Abstract: The transition from Fordism to post‐Fordism has been accompanied by profound changes in the spatiality of west European states. The hierarchical, top‐down and redistributive structures that typified the Fordist welfare state have been replaced by more complex spatial configurations as elements of economic and political power have shifted both downwards to subnational territorial levels and upwards to the supranational level. A major debate has developed around the nature of these emerging forms of state spatiality and of the processes underpinning their formation. This paper examines how these processes have operated in the particular case of the Republic of Ireland. Here, the spatiality of the state was founded on a peculiar post‐colonial combination of a localised populist politics and a centralised state bureaucracy. While this arrangement was quite suited to the spatial dispersal of industrial branch plants which underpinned regional policy in the 1960s and 1970s, it has become increasingly problematic with the more recent emergence of new trends in the nature and locational preferences of inward investment. This is reflected in the profound conflicts that have attended the formulation and implementation of the National Spatial Strategy, introduced in 2002. The result is a national space economy whose increasing dysfunctionality may now be compromising the very development model upon which Ireland's recent spectacular economic growth has been built.     

Even ‘Wilder Workhouse Girls’: The Problem of Institutionalisation among Irish Immigrants to New Zealand 1874

Studies of the Irish in New Zealand tend to focus predominantly on sectarian issues and respective ‘identities’. While class is explored to a lesser extent, it is mainly through the lens of occupational status. Overall, migrant poverty and criminality in that colonial setting has received the least attention from historians, because the socio-economic profile of the majority of Irish immigrants was generally of a higher status. This article traces a group of poor assisted immigrants that departed Cork at very short notice in 1874 and examines how some of them achieved notoriety in New Zealand. Using a combination of poor law records, shipping records, newspapers, government reports and criminal statistics, this article traces the fortunes of the single Irish workhouse girls. Irish Poor Law registers can be notoriously tricky to negotiate and present many problems for historians. Periodically Poor Law Guardians invested in assisted immigration schemes and to that end they surrendered groups of migrants. In so doing, the guardians bound individuals by a range of similarities—marital status, social class, fiscal means, age, abilities and gender to mention but a few—and such groups lend themselves to case-study analysis. As prophesised by those who argued against its foundation, the poor law network in Ireland both created and exacerbated many social problems. In many respects, when over-crowding occurred, it offered little by way of training and thus created a stasis for poverty. Building on recent case studies of ‘wild workhouse girls’ undertaken by Anna Clark on the South Dublin Union and Virginia Crossman on a Wexford Union, this research explores the concept of ‘modulation’ used by Patrick Fitzgerald and Brian Lambkin in the context of migration, whereby migrants were at the mercy of the host community to decide whether they can be accepted or rejected.1 Clark, ‘Wild Workhouse Girls’; Crossman, ‘The New Ross Workhouse Riot 1887’; Fitzgerald and Lambkin, Migration in Irish History, 62–68. This article traces and links the ‘institutionalised’ behavioural patterns of these poor, unskilled, single, young women with indefinite periods of ‘modulation’ in a negotiated space between rejection, vice, incarceration and an existence on the ‘outside’.     

Luis Simarro Lacabra [1851–1921]: From Golgi to Cajal Through Simarro,via Ranvier

Knowledge of cerebral structure and function in its modern form can be traced to the neurone doctrine based largely on the work of Santiago Ramón y Cajal [1852–1934] and his lifelong exploitation of the Golgi method. Cajal openly acknowledged his debt to the neuropsychiatrist Luis Simarro Lacabra [1851–1921] who introduced him to the method in 1887, and recalled that the sight of the silver-impregnated nerve cells was the turning point which led him to abandon general anatomy and concentrate on neurohistology. Simarro, who dissipated his free time in trying to improve not only the scientific but also the political world around him, was able to produce exciting Golgi preparations of the cerebral cortex after he returned from voluntary exile in Paris from 1880 to 1885. Certainly it was there that he learned the methods of experimental histology from Louis-Antoine Ranvier [1835–1922] whose laboratory exercises, in the guise of lectures, he attended assiduously.     

Organ donation,genetics, race and culture: The making of a medical problem (Respond to this article at http://www.therai.org.uk/at/debate)

Within transplant medicine in the UK, the relationship between organ donation and ethnicity has been characterized as problematic, with a specific focus on the apparent reluctance of black and Asian people in Britain to act as blood and organ donors. In this article, we show that transplant medicine, in trying to work out a solution to this ‘problem’, has culturalized the issue by treating it as something that falls outside its own domain of practice, with racialized responsibility being entrenched through the mapping of donor pools to cultural difference. We urge a rethink of what is increasingly becoming a one‐sided discussion. A concentration on ethnicity alone fails to take into account the ways in which low donation rates become a problem as a result of the specific ways in which transplant medicine in the UK has been configured and reconfigured over time, constituting different publics along the way. In order to understand the relationship between ethnicity and organ donation, it is important that we as anthropologists examine where and how the problem has in large part been forged (i.e., within transplant medicine), as much as where and in what terms that problem has been fixed in place (i.e., as a problem of black and minority ethnic publics).     

The Ulster Women's Declaration and the Passion of Women in the Campaign against Home Rule,c.1886–1912*

On Ulster Day, 28 September 1912, Unionist leaders orchestrated the mass signing of the Ulster Covenant and the Women's Declaration against Irish home rule. These were highly emotive documents and the ‘passion’ expressed by women contrasted with the men, as the Covenant implied a pact with God while the Women's Declaration promised to support their male counterparts. The Declaration, with 234,046 signatures, was one of the largest petitions ever organised by Irish (and British women) in this period and expressed the desire of many Ulsterwomen to defend their identities as Unionists and Protestants. This article breaks new ground by examining the Declaration as a form of petitioning culture. It will analyse Unionist women's petitioning through the lens of ‘passion’ and argue that petitioning offered women a way to express their feelings on this important issue. This will be done by analysing the Declaration and the Unionist women's earlier petitioning campaigns to reveal what motivated Unionist women to protest and their political practice. Another perspective is provided by the contemporary criticisms of the Declaration made by suffrage activists. This shows that while ‘passion’ could mobilise women, it could also cause friction. This article will also consider the gendered coverage of Ulsterwomen's political participation by the press. Overall, this article reappraises the political activism of Ulsterwomen from the perspective of petitioning and the power of ideological passion in politics.