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ABSTRACT. This paper presents a set of Miyazawa interrelational multipliers, which measure how direct changes in the income of each income bracket result in indirect and induced income changes in all other brackets. The multipliers have been calculated for a 9-by-9 pairing of income brackets for West Virginia in 1982. Their estimation is based on a combination of survey and nonsurvey data in three forms: a 1982 West Virginia input-output table, a multisector income-distribution matrix, and an income disaggregated consumption matrix. The paper illustrates the usefulness of the multipliers by showing how they provide insight into the viability of trickle-down theory and the incidence of regional development policy.  相似文献   
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Among the Warlpiri, as among other central Australian Aborigines, older women use a complex sign language as an alternative to speech when, for ritual reasons, as in mourning, silence must be observed. As part of a study of the relationship between this sign language and spoken Warlpiri, a comparison is undertaken between a signed version and a spoken version of two traditional narratives, each told by the same woman out recorded on separate occasions. It is found that signs are ordered in the same way within signed discourse as are words in spoken discourse and a comparison between discourse units in the two versions dealing with the same content shows a close correspondence between the words and signs used; complex lexical items, such as preverb-verb formations in the spoken language are commonly matched by compound signs that correspond to the morphological structure of the spoken form. However, only lexical morphemes are represented in sign. Markers of case relations, tense, and cliticized pronouns are not signed. The findings are interpreted as supporting the view that these alternate sign languages, unlike sign language of the deaf, are not fully autonomous systems but are built up as gestural representations of the semantic units provided by the spoken language.  相似文献   
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ABSTRACT. Nearly all regional input-output models have been constructed without a proper accounting of inflows and outflows of personal income and personal consumption expenditures. Typically invoked is a no cross-payments assumption, analogous to the no cross-hauling assumption for commodities. We present a new accounting framework based on the classification of flows according to the location of income generation, receipt, and spending, and argue that only flows endogenous in all three respects should be part of a closed regional I-O model. We use the framework to compute the upward bias in multipliers in a typical regional I-O model. We also present several methods for estimating transboundary flows.  相似文献   
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Journal of Archaeological Research - The cities of the Indus civilization were expansive and planned with large-scale architecture and sophisticated Bronze Age technologies. Despite these hallmarks...  相似文献   
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Abstract. Conventional wisdom associates corporatism with undemocratic elite collusion, or worse, with the fascist order of Mussolini, Franco or Perq?n. However, another form of corporatism involves institutionalised bargaining between representatives of organised interest groups. This democratic corporatism engages in trade-offs between labour unions, business and state bureaucrats. Where these groups largely coincide with different ethnic constituencies, as in South Africa, the outcome of their bargaining also amounts to an ethnic compromise. This analysis explores the scope, potential and limitations of corporatist labour relations in the new South Africa. Embraced by the African National Congress (ANC) government, legalised codetermination none the less encounters strong reservation from both socialist union leaders as well as the white business establishment. Alienated workers feel shortchanged by elite deals which are also resented by fragmented business sectors. How far state representatives can mediate between different ethno-racial/class interests and realise the promise of less adversarial relations for mutually beneficial growth and stability is being probed with an analysis of the National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac). Liberal South African analysts fear a one-party dominant state, because of likely future ANC hegemony and ethnic voting habits. This legitimate anxiety, however, needs to be balanced by the important checks placed on the ANC by corporatism. Even a poorly implemented corporatism of consensus seeking, it is argued, proves better than an ethno-racial adversarialism of an alternative to the non-racial ANC.  相似文献   
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