The bovids from Elandsfontein,South Africa,and their implications for the age,palaeoenvironment, and origins of the site

The bovid fossils from Elandsfontein, south-western Cape Province, South Africa, comprise 7257 individually numbered specimens from 18 species. Taxonomic comparisons with Olduvai Gorge and other African sites and the high percentage of extinct forms imply that the bones accumulated in the earlier part of the Middle Quaternary, probably sometime between 700,000 and 400,000 years ago. By extension, this is also the most likely age for the skull cap of archaicHomo sapiens (Saldanha Man) and for the occasional late Acheulean stone artifacts that accompany the animal bones. In keeping with geomorphological observations and other aspects of the fauna, the bovids indicate a relatively grassy and moist environment, apparently during an interglaciation that differed significantly from the Holocene. Geomorphological context, the frequent occurrence of partial skeletons, bone damage, and skeletal part representation suggest that carnivore feeding on carcasses scattered across a Mid-Quaternary land surface was probably the main factor shaping the Elandsfontein bone assemblage. Porcupines may also have played a role, but there is little evidence for human activity. The Elandsfontein assemblage thus provides a useful control for comparison with bone accumulations where context, associations, and bone damage indicate that people were heavily involved. For example, there are very few young animals in the otherwise attritional profile of giant buffalo from Elandsfontein, probably because carnivores often rapidly and completely consumed young carcasses. This suggests that few young carcasses would be available for human scavenging and thus that archaeological attritional profiles in which young individuals are common probably reflect active human hunting, at least of young animals.

---

Résumé Les fossiles de bovidés d'Elandsfontein, sud-ouest de la Province du Cap, Afrique du Sud, comportent 7257 spécimens numérotés appartenant à 18 espèces. Les comparaisons taxonomiques avec Olduvai Gorge et d'autres sites africains, ainsi que le haut pourcentage de formes éteintes, indiquent que les os ont dû s'accumuler durant la partie la plus ancienne du Quaternaire moyen, probablement entre 700,000 et 400,000 ans. Par extension, il semble que ce soit aussi l'âge le plus probable de la calotte cranienne d'une forme archaïque d'Homo sapiens (l'homme de Saldanha) ainsi que des quelques outils de l'Acheuléen récent qui accompagnaient les ossements d'animaux. En accord avec les observations géomorphologiques et d'autres aspects de la faune, les bovidés indiquent un environnement relativement humide et herbeux, évidemment durant un interglaciaire qui differe de façon significative de l'Holocène. Le contexte géomorphologique, la présence fréquente de squelettes incomplets, les os endommagés et les parties du squelette représentées suggèrent que des carnivores se nourrissaient des carcasses dispersées sur un terrain du Quaternaire moyen sont le principal facteur de la formation de l'assemblage osseux d'Elandsfontein. Les porc-épics ont peut-être aussi joué un rôle, mais il y a peu de signes de l'activité humaine. L'assemblage d'Elandsfontein est donc un témoin utile pour des comparaisons avec d'autres accumulations de faune, dans lesquelles le contexte, les associations et l'état des os indiquent que les hommes y ont joué un rôle important. Par exemple, très peu d'animaux jeunes sont représentés dans le profil par ailleurs attritionel du buffle géant d'Elandsfontein, probablement parce que les carnivores dévoraient souvent rapidement et entièrement les carcasses jeunes. Ceci indique que très peu de carcasses jeunes étaient disponibles pour les charognards humains et que les profils archéologiques attritionels dans lesquels les animaux jeunes sont fréquents reflètent probablement une chasse humaine active, tout au moins d'animaux jeunes.

     

From commodity to money: The rise of silver coinage around the Ancient Mediterranean (sixth–first centuries bce)

The reasons why the Western Mediterranean, especially Carthage and Rome, resisted monetization relative to the Eastern Mediterranean are still unclear. We address this question by combining lead (Pb) and silver (Ag) isotope abundances in silver coinage from the Aegean, Magna Graecia, Carthage and Roman Republic. The clear relationships observed between ¹⁰⁹Ag/¹⁰⁷Ag and ²⁰⁸Pb/²⁰⁶Pb reflect the mixing of silver ores or silver objects with Pb metal used for cupellation. The combined analysis of Ag and Pb isotopes reveals important information about the technology of smelting. The Greek world extracted Ag and Pb from associated ores, whereas, on the Iberian Peninsula, Carthaginians and Republican‐era Romans applied Phoenician cupellation techniques and added exotic Pb to Pb‐poor Ag ores. Massive Ag recupellation is observed in Rome during the Second Punic War. After defeating the Carthaginians and the Macedonians in the late second century bce , the Romans brought together the efficient, millennium‐old techniques of silver extraction of the Phoenicians, who considered this metal a simple commodity, with the monetization of the economy introduced by the Greeks.     

1989: THE CHRONOPOLITICS OF REVOLUTION

A failed effort at “reform from above” or a dramatic reassertion of “people power”? Almost thirty-five years on, studies of the Revolutions of 1989 continue to be framed by these two polarities. However, this historiographical focus has meant that scholars have often overlooked the actual content and character of protest itself. This article argues that one way of reinjecting agency and ideas back into our historical understanding of 1989 is through examining the chronopolitics of revolution: that is to say, by addressing how the control and interpretation of time became a political battlefield, a site of contention and negotiation, between Communist regimes, on the one hand, and political activists and society, on the other. Investigating events in the German Democratic Republic and Czechoslovakia, the article contains two central claims: first, that an interrogation of the concept of “chronopolitics” can provide a new angle by which to grasp the revolutionary character of “1989” and the democratic transformations that resulted and, second, by way of inversion, that a study of the temporal experiences across 1989 and the early 1990s can in turn shed light on the analytical value of “chronopolitics” more generally.     

Anatomy,behavior, and modern human origins

The fossil record suggests that modern human morphology evolved in Africa between 150,000 and 50,000 years ago, when the sole inhabitants of Eurasia were the Neanderthals and other equally nonmodern people. However, the earliest modern or near-modern Africans were behaviorally (archaeologically) indistinguishable from their nonmodern, Eurasian contemporaries, and it was only around 50,000-40,000 years ago that a major behavioral difference developed. Archaeological indications of this difference include the oldest indisputable ornaments (or art broadly understood); the oldest evidence for routine use of bone, ivory, and shell to produce formal (standardized) artifacts; greatly accelerated variation in stone artifact assemblages through time and space; and hunting-gathering innovations that promoted significantly larger populations. As a complex, the novel traits imply fully modern cognitive and communicative abilities, or more succinctly, the fully modern capacity for Culture. The competitive advantage of this capacity is obvious, and preliminary dates suggest that it appeared in Africa about 50,000 years ago and then successively in western Asia, eastern Europe, and western Europe, in keeping with an African origin. Arguably, the development of modern behavior depended on a neural change broadly like those that accompanied yet earlier archaeologically detectable behavioral advances. This explanation is problematic, however, because the putative change was in brain organization, not size, and fossil skulls provide little or no secure evidence for brain structure. Other potential objections to a neural advance in Africa 50,000-40,000 years ago or to the wider Out-of-Africa hypothesis, include archaeological evidence (1) that some Neanderthals were actually capable of fully modern behavior and (2) that some Africans were behaviorally modern more than 90,000 years ago.     

Chardin et sonPhilosophe

Did “the old character, so intelligent, so crazy”, evoked by Marcel Proust through Chardin’s self-portraits, depict himself in the projective mask of the wise man, in one of his most famous paintings, thePhilosopher of the Louvre? As the master of the still life wanted to rise in the hierarchy of the Academic ranks, he probably tried, in this early work, to make up for “this lack of training” in “the humanities”, through the representation of a character in keeping with current tastes, of a modern philosopher. A Philosopher, A Chemist in his laboratory, A Glass-Blower, or A Philosopher busy reading: is the painting of the Louvre (1734) an emblem? Our hypothesis, that this painting represents a chemist philosopher, not a quack or an alchemist, is constructed by comparing the painting with the lampoon entitledThe Philosopher, circulated, according to Voltaire, in the 1730s.     

Singulières archives

Archives, although fundamental to historical research, are rarely appreciated in terms of their place in epistemology. The concept of «archive»-usually given in the singular-has, however, been treated by several philosophers, including most recently Paul Ric?ur. This paper focuses on Ric?ur's latest work,La Mémoire, l'histoire, l'oubli, to analyse Ric?ur's use of the term «archive» and its resonances with the work of Michel Foucault and Michel de Certeau. It investigates, as well, how the concept of archive, closely linked to that of witnessing or testimony, presents certain difficulties from the vantage point of historical epistemology, and proposes another use of the term, one involving greater attention to the historicity and materiality of the «archive» in the interests of a more textual and hermeneutic interpretation.     

Micro-imagerie de matériaux anciens complexes (I)

This article aims at presenting the first results of a transdisciplinary research programme in heritage sciences. Based on the growing use and on the potentialities of micro- and nano-characterization synchrotron-based methods to study ancient materials (archaeology, palaeontology, cultural heritage, past environments), this contribution will identify and test conceptual and methodological elements of convergence between physicochemical and historical sciences.     

ENTANGLED MEMORY: TOWARD A THIRD WAVE IN MEMORY STUDIES

This essay takes up the call for a “third phase” in memory studies and makes theoretical and methodological suggestions for its further development. Starting from an understanding of memory that centers on memory's temporality, its relation to language, and its quality as a social action, the essay puts forward the concept of “entangled memory.” On a theoretical level, it brings to the fore the entangledness of acts of remembering. In a synchronic perspective, memory's entangledness is presented as twofold. Every act of remembering inscribes an individual in multiple social frames. This polyphony entails the simultaneous existence of concurrent interpretations of the past. In a diachronic perspective, memory is entangled in the dynamic relation between single acts of remembering and changing mnemonic patterns. Memory scholars therefore uncover boundless cross‐referential configurations. Wishing to enhance the dialogue between the theoretical and the empirical parts of memory studies, we propose four devices that serve as a heuristic in the study of memory's entanglement: chronology against time, conflict, generations, and self‐reflexivity. Current debates on European memory permit us to explore the possible benefits that the concept of entangled memory carries for memory studies.