Childhood in the shadow of war: filled with work and play

This study was focused on war-time childhood. The target period covers the war years 1939–1945 and the years of post-war reconstruction. The research was based on memories of 13 participants who lived in the countryside in northern Finland during the Second World War. The purpose of the study was to find out what children's everyday life was like during the war. According to the results, children did play regardless of the war situation. Children also participated in household work actively. By highlighting children's experiences and perspectives, this study provided important information about children's survival during war time. The study also helps understanding the effects of wars from children's point of view.     

The hydropolitical Cold War: The Indus Waters Treaty and state formation in Pakistan

This paper develops the framework of the “developmentalist passive revolution” to analyze the politics of water development during the Cold War. This framework is developed by drawing on Marxist geopolitics and critical water geography, and is offered as a way to facilitate comparative analysis of engineering and nationalism in the context of Cold War hydropolitics. The concrete historical engagements of the paper relate to the signing of The Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) of 1960 between Pakistan and India and the associated Indus Basin Plan to transform the Pakistani waterscape. What historical and geopolitical-economic conditions enabled the signing of the IWT? What legacies did the IWT have for state formation in Pakistan? Drawing on the negotiation records of the IWT, archival materials relating to Pakistani river development during the 1960s, and fieldwork conducted in Pakistan in 2012, this paper argues that Cold War hydropolitics are best analyzed through the cultural and economic interactions of asymmetrically empowered developmentalist state elites at multiple scales.     

Chokepoint: Regulating US student mobility through biometrics

Many US public schools, struggling with perceived issues of safety and security, have installed a host of different biometric devices – vein scanners, automated fingerprint identification systems, iris scanners, GPS-enabled identification badges, and facial recognition software. Schools turn to these devices in hopes of securing school space by sorting and tracking students, visitors, and school staff based on their pre-determined risk profiles. As such, this article proposes that tracing these new forms of school security provides insight into how the politics and practices of biometric technologies are fundamentally geographical in nature. That is, biometric devices not only verify identity according to risk assessments, they also work to manage mobility by regulating where school bodies can go, when, and for what purposes. Moreover, this article analyzes how these risk profiling tactics, widely adopted by schools across the United States, necessarily borrow from the strategies used in sites of colonial occupation. Looking at schools in this way can help us plot how biometric bordering and resultant security decisions unfold at other sites of mobility beyond state (smart) borders, highways, toll booths, and ports of entry in order to formulate new “spaces of enclosure” (Amoore, Marmura, & Salter, 2008) and “dividing practices” (Nevins, 2002), thus bringing students into “closer proximity” to military relations of force through these “war-like architectures” (Amoore, 2009).     

和战之间--战后中共建国方针之演变(1945年8月-1946年11月)

抗日战争胜利后中共的建国方针实际上经历了以战建国,到和平建国,再到打谈图和,终到弃和就战的过程.从以战建国到和平建国的转变中,美国、苏联的作用不可低估.和平建国方针确立后,中共为之实现付出了真诚而艰辛的努力.     

蒋百里对中国抗战的理论探索与贡献

蒋百里很早就把日本视作中国国防的首要敌人,预料日本会发动大规模的侵华战争,拟出持久抵抗、攻守结合的国防战略,并从军事布置、物质准备、工业布局和实施国家总动员等方面,积极筹划抵御日本侵略的国防建设.他的"机动作战"论和组建大规模机械化部队开展运动战抗击日军的建议,为中国抗战军事理论做出了一定的贡献.他的"抗战必胜"论,更激励了士心民气,坚定了全国军民抗战到底的决心,为抗日战争的最后胜利奠下一份心理基础.     

关于中法战争时期李鸿章违旨问题考辨

本文对以前认为李鸿章在签订李福协定时存在的违旨问题进行了辨析.经过将清延授权和李福协定内容进行比对,认为李鸿章基本是按照授权谈判的.传统说法在藩属、通商问题的理解上存在误解.李福协定中放弃越南的关键原因,是甲申易枢后清廷对越目标发生变化,把保护越南看作是李福协定后的善后问题.     

抗战时期旅日闽侨生存状况探析

从战争对平民伤害的角度来认识战争的本质,有助于理解国际间友好关系对于平民百姓所具有的社会意义。抗战时期,作为普通劳动者的旅日闽侨,因其“敌对国民”身份顿然成为特殊的群体,陷入极端困境,其生命、财产难以保全,身心遭受了双重伤害。他们传统的“一家两地”的生存模式因为战争而被扭曲、中断,承受了巨大的生存压力。本文运用日本警保局编撰的《外事月报》记载的战时旅日闽侨真实生活的若干史料,本着人道主义精神,考察战时旅日闽侨的生存状况,分析其特定条件下的行为与心态,从而为相关的华侨研究提供一些资讯。     

Existential nationalism: Russia's war against Ukraine

‘If Russia stops fighting, there will be no war. If Ukraine stops fighting, there will be no Ukraine’ is the sentiment used by Ukrainian protesters mobilising against Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Such a sentiment signifies the stakes of a war where Ukraine is a democratic nation-state fighting for its right to exist against a Russian invasion. Meanwhile, Russia is fighting for a version of Ukraine that is subservient to Russia's idea of what Ukraine should be as a nation-state: under a Russian hegemon geopolitically, where Ukraine's national idea and interpretation of history can be vetted and vetoed by the Russian state. While nationalism scholarship equips us to study Russia's war against Ukraine through the lens of Russian ethnic nationalism and Ukrainian civic nationalism, the ethnic/civic dichotomy falls short of unpacking the more pernicious logics that pervade Russia's intentions and actions towards Ukraine (demilitarisation and de-Nazification). Instead, this article explores the logics of Russia's war and Ukraine's resistance through the concept of existential nationalism where existential nationalism is Russia's motivation to pursue war, whatever the costs, and Ukraine's motivation to fight with everything it has.     

European Ukrainians and their fight against Russian invasion

Is there evidence of significant ethno-linguistic/ethno-national rallying around the nation in Ukraine—as social science would have us expect in times of conflict? And, if so, might we expect this ethno-linguistic/ethno-national identity to rise with the prolongation of war? Or instead, is Ukrainian “civic-ness” the primary rally call that shaped and shapes collective identity in Ukraine? And if this collective identity is not ethno-linguistic in orientation then what values and political dispositions are bringing Ukrainians together in a time of crisis and war? Whilst political science might suggest that violence and extended periods of war can produce rallying to ethno-linguistic/ethno-national identity—original panel survey data collected among the Ukrainian population in March/April 2019, January/February 2021, and 2 December 2021/16 February 2022 coupled with a cross-sectional nationally representative survey collected 19–24 May 2022 provide evidence that ongoing regional war, crises, and now all-out invasion by Russia have shored up civic and not ethno-linguistic/ethno-national identities. Moreover, this civic identity is bounded to pro-European pro-democratic orientations.