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41.
中国与印度尼西亚建交是冷战时期中国与东南亚外交关系发展的重大事件。尽管印度尼西亚建国初期曾有其总工会代表团赴华与中共高层接触,但正式向中国政府提出两国建交问题的却是印度尼西亚前宗主国荷兰。荷兰利用荷—印(尼)联盟主导者的身份,企图在保留与台湾当局外交关系以及不支持中国加入联合国的情况下,以印度尼西亚与中国建交作为荷中建交的交换条件,并以此保持在华各类利益,但此举为中方所拒。荷兰不得已放弃对台湾当局的外交承认,由此台湾当局撤销驻印度尼西亚外交机构。在印度尼西亚方面,尽管美国施加了外交压力,但苏加诺总统仍采取了平衡外交政策,而中方也获得苏联对中国与印度尼西亚建交的支持。在两国的努力下,中国与印度尼西亚于1950年4月13日建交。  相似文献   
42.
张同乐 《安徽史学》2011,(4):43-49,85
1941年太平洋战争爆发前后,日本在国际上更加孤立。在物资贫乏、战争迁延日久、军需储存消耗殆尽、兵源枯竭及劳动力缺乏的情形下,日军对华北的依赖性日益加大。在华北,丰富的资源和广大的人力散布在农村,而农村又掌握在中国抗日革命的势力手里,华北日军只控制着寥若晨星的点和线。华北日伪通过"村政建设"向敌后抗日军民展开农村争夺战。"村政建设"主要源于中国历史上统治者控制乡村的统治术,也仿效了日本和伪满洲国的"街村制",体现了日伪利用中国旧有制度,实行法西斯统治的狡诈性。其目的在于根绝共产党及八路军抗日活动的民众基础。随着日军无条件投降,华北日伪的"村政建设"彻底破产。  相似文献   
43.
Abstract

Routine developer-led excavation of land at the site of the Barbican Leisure Centre in York, UK resulted in the discovery of 10 post-medieval mass graves located in and around the foundations of a partially-ruined medieval church. These graves contained a total of 113 skeletons. The skeletal assemblage was notable for the absence of children and infants, comprising only adult and adolescent individuals, with significant male bias. Individuals were slightly shorter than average for the period. Rates of ante-mortem trauma were low, peri-mortem trauma and specific infectious disease were absent, and generally the assemblage exhibited higher than expected prevalence of pathological conditions that may be indicative of increased physical stress. The combined osteological and historical evidence suggests that these graves may represent Parliamentarian casualties of epidemic disease pertaining to the 1644 Siege of York.  相似文献   
44.
《Political Theology》2013,14(3):284-303
Abstract

War has its origins in the clash of socially-constructed identities, interests, and norms of behavior of states and armed nonstate actors. This essay examines the economic, political, and cultural factors that contributed to the construction of such identities, interests, and norms during the Shining Path insurgency and the Peruvian government’s response in the years from 1980 to 2000. Drawing on the three levels of liberation outlined by Peruvian theologian Gustavo Gutiérrez, the essay then describes how theology enriches without replacing socio-political and cultural explanations of the Peruvian conflict. The practices that formed both the Shining Path and the government’s response to it can be described as social sin, whereas the Catholic Church in Peru’s commitment to truth and the creation of community solidarity became practices that, by imitating the self-giving love of Christ, helped overcome violence and build peace.  相似文献   
45.
《Political Theology》2013,14(6):699-720
Abstract

This paper proposes an analysis of The Responsibility to Protect that is rooted in the Christian realism of Reinhold Niebuhr. R2P rests on three central claims: sovereignty ought to be understood in terms of responsibility rather than control, the just cause criterion for war should include humanitarian protection, and rightful authority ought to be relocated to multilateral institutions. In turn, Niebuhr’s Christian realism proposes a dialectic of responsibility and humility that shapes our understanding of justice and coercion. While examining R2P through a Niebuhrian lens shows some compatibility between the two moral frameworks, it also reveals the insufficient understanding of humility with respect to human motivations and limitations that underlies R2P’s criteria.  相似文献   
46.
《Political Theology》2013,14(3):335-351
Abstract

This article assesses the recent application of "just war" criteria by Charles Reed. It is clear Reed has uncritically supported Anglo-American power by omitting a great deal of counter evidence and by misrepresenting opposing views. Some consideration is given to the ways in which intellectuals can unintentionally support violence and power.  相似文献   
47.
Why doesn't Africa have more self-determination movements? Given the prevalence of weak states, artificial borders, and high ethnic diversity, one might expect that the majority of African rebel groups would pursue self-determination outcomes. Yet, the data indicate that most rebel groups have attempted to capture the state in center-seeking conflicts rather than to break off a piece of it. Why? In this study, we argue that the exogenously determined territorial size of the country in which new groups emerge shapes whether groups pursue center-seeking or self-determination outcomes. We argue that the size of the territory determines the overall cohesion of the state, which then shapes the political imagination of the group, affecting how an emerging rebel group conceives of itself and its constituents relative to the state. We also argue that the size of the territory shapes the perceived feasibility of either center-seeking or self-determination outcomes. Drawing from a recent dataset on rebel group emergence, we find support that rebel groups emerging in large states are more likely to seek self-determination than rebel groups in small states. We test multiple alternative arguments and find that our results are robust to them as well as additional testing specifications.  相似文献   
48.
本文设计了“学习及好奇”、“责任与义务”、“社会因素”、“个人情感体验”、“教育体验”5个潜变量,构建了战争纪念馆游客旅游动机对体验影响的结构关系模型,并以国家4A级旅游区南京大屠杀纪念馆为例,探讨了此类旅游动机对体验的作用机理。研究结果表明:(1)“责任与义务”是游客访问战争纪念馆的主要动机,也是与传统旅游的根本区别之一,与“个人情感体验”及“教育体验”有较高的路径系数(0.97,0.48);(2)被动地参观战争纪念馆不利于游客体验的提高,从市场营销角度看,应该强调游客积极主动的参与,强调游客“责任与义务”方面的动机;(3)游客参观南京大屠杀纪念馆几乎没有对死亡感兴趣的动机,因此战争纪念馆旅游不完全属于黑色旅游研究范畴;(4)旅游动机及体验是区分特殊兴趣旅游的主要标志,未来需从特殊兴趣旅游(如战争纪念馆旅游)角度进一步探索旅游体验的本质。  相似文献   
49.
Focusing on four recent books about violence gives a reader an idea of what current anthropological wisdom is and what it tends to omit (peace, domestic violence). Since most studies deal not with direct observation of violence but with representations of it, questions of representation loom large in terms of how anthropologists represent violence in these books and elsewhere in the literature, and what possibilities of representation might round out readers' understanding.  相似文献   
50.
It has often been said that Vattel's treatise on the law of nations breaks with the tradition of modern natural law and just war theory. Based on a closer examination of Vattel's justification of preventive war and of his assessment of the balance of power in Europe, the paper argues that this criticism is greatly exaggerated, if not entirely misleading.  相似文献   
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