Identity and European integration: diversity as a source of integration1

ABSTRACT. This article explores the concept of European Union identity and its significance for European integration by drawing upon insights from theories of nationalism and national identity. European Union identity is viewed as an ongoing process which is banal, contingent and contextual. The central hypothesis is that: European integration facilitates the flourishing of diverse national identities rather than convergence around a single homogeneous European Union identity. The role of the EU as facilitator for diverse understandings of collective identities encourages the enhabitation of the EU at an everyday level and the reinforcement of a sense of banal Europeanism which is a crucial aspect of the European integration process. Facilitating diversity may thus provide a vital source of dynamism for the integration process.     

Scale in motion? Rethinking scalar production and border externalization

This paper signals how border externalization can inform geographical debates about scale and in turn, foster research on how scale intersects with recent forms of border and migration control. It interrogates what scales are being produced and struggled over, pointing to the contingency of scalar work in border externalization, specifically through the EU Migration Routes Strategy. Debates on scale and changing borders are worked through to arrive at the notion of “itinerant scale”, in order to highlight a very distinct spatial imaginary and implementation of border work. Instead of sitting at the edges of nation-states, staying in designated places for long, or pushing through some sort of region imagined as a buffer or frontline, borders are envisioned and designed to be mobile devices and reiterated along shifting migratory routes. This complex scalar production unfolds through a mix of policies, cartographies, surveillance infrastructures and atypical institutional agreements, reaching and acting simultaneously at local, national and regional levels, aiming at the management and contention of suspicious bodies on the move.     

A tale of regional transformation: From political community to security regions the politics of security and regionalism in West Africa

This article draws attention to the intersection between the politics of regionalism and the politics of security by investigating the recent reorganisation of the West African space. It shows how international actors’ reinvestment in West Africa is driven by their security priorities, and how these actions, in particular those of the European Union, are deconstructing West Africa into smaller security regions such as the Sahel. This transformation is legitimised through a regional imaginary depicting the Sahel as a fuzzy region constituted by fluctuating boundaries of networks of organised crime and terrorism. This imaginary strongly contrasts with an earlier one that conceived of West Africa as a regional political community. The tensions between these two imaginaries raises important questions about how these perceptions emerged, which agencies and interests have driven them, and what consequences this has for the re-allocation of political authority and sovereignty practices in West Africa. Hence, drawing on International Political Sociology, Critical Geopolitics and Political Geography, this article symmetrically engages with the simultaneous processes of spatialisation of security and securitisation of space to understand the production and transformation of security regionalism in West Africa.     

Observations on the undersurface of the skeletalized human acromion in two populations

In late life, the humeral impingement disorder becomes common due to degenerative changes in the rotator cuff which allow the proximal humerus to press against the acromion in elevation of the arm, so producing facets on the tip region of the subacromial surface and on the lateral margin of the greater tubercle of the humerus. To discover what changes occur prior to those described, 184 acromions below the age of 55 years were examined. During the 18–25 year period, the subacromial surface showed patterns of formation of surface trabeculae of new bone, some associated with union of the epiphysis or with remodelling as a response to the presence of the proximal humerus at a distance of 10–15 mm; others indicated a subacromial attachment of the coraco‐acromial ligament. As early as 30 years of age, flattening of the surface trabeculae of bone was noted in association with compression lipping of the outer margin of the greater tubercle of the humerus, the part that crosses closest to the subacromial surface during elevation of the arm. Although resembling changes found in the impingement disorder, in both populations by the age of 35 years the changes were too common to be so and were not associated with the erosive pitting of the upper surface of the tubercle regarded as the earliest bony criterion of degenerative change in the cuff. It is postulated that, in the normal shoulder joint, in raising the arm, pressure is exerted, perhaps transiently, in the subacromial bursa and adjacent soft tissues which induces the compressive changes described. Probably due to the physically arduous lifestyle of the islanders, these changes occurred earlier among them; so did (but later) cuff degeneration indicated by erosion of the humeral tubercle. Copyright © 1999 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Adjustment and Integration: The Scottish Representation in the British House of Commons, 1707–14*

The small minority of Scots who entered the house of commons in 1707 were slow to make their mark. Besides lack of numbers, they suffered several significant disadvantages. The Westminster scene was strange, and the style and tone of debate more vigorous and informal. Moreover, the aristocracy had dominated the unicameral Scottish parliament, and commoners found it difficult to emancipate themselves from noble tutelage. Most importantly, Scottish politics did not yet reflect the two‐party system dominant in England. Thus in the first sessions the Scots were unable to make headway in the essential business of parliament, legislation. Scotland suffered in comparison with the English provinces, and even the Irish, who were able to muster a more effective lobby. Soon, however, a new generation of debaters appeared, able to use their wit to discomfit English antagonists, and a new class of ‘men of business’ who grasped the rules of the legislative game. The fortuitous deaths of leading magnates and the polarisation of sectarian antagonisms in Scotland permitted the coalescence of the Scottish representation into two broad factions allied with the English parties. It was with English tory support that bills were passed to benefit the sectional concerns of Scottish episcopalians, accompanied by other measures of a more general nature. The combined attempt by Scottish peers and MPs in 1713 to secure the repeal of the union does not point to a lasting breakdown in Anglo‐Scottish relations, since it was also a manifestation of political opportunism by English whigs and discontented tories, and their Scottish allies. But the dawn of a party system in Scotland was dispelled by the death of Queen Anne and the ensuing jacobite rebellion. The complicity of tories in the Fifteen resulted in the destruction of the party in Scotland, and the construction of a whig hegemony.     

Omsorg om livet. Spädbarnsdödlighetens förändring i Ådalen under 1800-talet [Caring about life. Infant mortality in Ådalen,Sweden, during the 19th century]

The Finnish forest workers' trade union and employers' organizations signed their first wage agreement in 1957 and first collective labour agreement in 1962. Many other sectors had concluded such agreements years earlier. This article challenges the widely accepted idea that collective labour agreements were becoming ubiquitous in Finnish industrial relations soon after the Second World War. Forest workers were left out of this process, and up until the late 1950s their wages and working conditions were not determined by the labour market parties but by state authorities – the state legislated and regulated forestry wages. The explanation for the delayed development of labour market practices in this sector can be found in forest work itself as well as the state's active role. This work was, up until the 1960s, done mainly by small farmers who were reluctant to unionize and unable to otherwise promote their interests. The situation changed when professionalization made them more or less full-time forest workers who more often joined the union. At the same time, the state created organizations and institutions which encouraged labour market parties to cooperate. Their shared struggle against political interference pushed labour market parties towards collective bargaining.     

A Large‐Scale Palaeopathological Study of Hip Fractures from Post‐Medieval Urban England

Hip fractures have high incidence rates in many current groups and are associated with high morbidity, mortality, and considerable expenditure. Although hip fractures associated with significant traumatic events can occur at any age, many hip fractures occur in older adults. To date, few hip fractures have been reported from archaeological skeletal material, and a number of hypotheses have been suggested for this. This research presents a comprehensive assessment of hip fractures in archaeological bone; 1597 adult (18+ years) skeletons from eight urban post‐medieval sites from England dating from the 18^th and 19^th centuries were recorded, and contemporary medical texts reviewed. This adult sample included 834 males and 652 females as well as 11 persons of undetermined sex. Ways of classifying and describing fractures in the clinical literature were reviewed and a methodology applicable to paleopathology determined. Of this sample, 15 (0.94%) had fractures in the femoral neck or intertrochanteric area: nine males, four females, and two individuals of undetermined sex. The numbers of fractures in males were interesting and most likely represent examples of accidental trauma as well as osteoporosis‐related fractures, the latter receiving growing awareness in recent clinical literature. Overall there was an age‐related trend with more individuals aged 50+ years with fractures than in other age categories. Underlying osteoporosis was potentially a complicating factor in five individuals and was likely associated with a vitamin D deficiency osteomalacia and a metastatic neoplastic condition in a further two cases. Fractures occurring close to the time of death and healed fractures were observed, indicating that the risk of mortality following this trauma was not consistent across this 18^th and 19^th century sample. Skeletal and historical evidence presented in this study indicate that the impact of hip fracture injuries varied, with survival likely linked to the fracture type. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

以社会主义荣辱观视角审视新时期工会

以“八荣八耻”为核心内容的社会主义荣辱观的树立,是构建社会主义和谐社会的一个带有根本性的问题,是中国传统美德和时代精神的完美结合,是马克思主义世界观、人生观和价值观的生动体现。工会对于广大职工思想道德的教育和水平的提高负有直接责任。因此,倡导社会主义荣辱观是深化工会组织职能的任务要求和工作目标。     

上海大都市区行政区划体制研究

上海正在朝着国际经济、金融、贸易和航运中心的大都市战略目标迈进。但上海是中国面积最小的直辖市,受政区空间与行政区划体制的制约,发展面临一系列的矛盾。解决行政区划矛盾的政策性思路一是内部改革,充分发挥现有政区空间的潜力;二是以上海为中心,建立长江三角洲地区城市联合政府,在长江三角洲地区范围内解决国际大都市的政区空间问题,以便形成上海创建国际大都市的区域互补优势。     

Labour internationalism and the public sector: The case of the Public Services International

This paper sets out the need to conceptualise labour internationalism in the public sector, given its distinct political character and orientation. Our analysis adds to a literature on labour internationalism that hitherto has mainly depicted strategies of unions in private sector industries. To better understand the reasons for upscaling trade union efforts in a sector where the main employer remains the institutional apparatus of the nation-state, we have interviewed office bearers in the most important global union federation organising across different public services – Public Services International (PSI) – asking them to explain their political and strategic considerations. We find that the distinct role of the nation state as an employer, the public character of work and specific relations between public sector workers and the users of services, are all determinants in shaping labour transnationalism in the public sector. This in turn leads to a greater emphasis on alliances with social movements and oppositional campaigns, representing a radical global political unionism. Neoliberal austerity and privatisation measures have reinforced the importance of such political relationships and power, but also challenged their organisational foundations. However, alliance-building is not PSI's sole strategy. We find that office bearers at the transnational level combines three strategic rationales through orientations that we have labelled the political-institutional, the movement-popular and the industrial-corporate. We also suggest that employing these sensitising concepts can bolster the scholarly treatment of understanding labour internationalism and its strategy repertoires more generally.