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81.
现代中国地方主义的政治解读 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
“地方主义”一词,20世纪20年代初在中国出现,其后至今被较多地使用;中外关于地方主义的阐释也颇为复杂;依据这些阐释和对“地方主义”一词的解构,结合现代中国的实际,地方主义的内涵应是地方心理观念、地方政治意识、地方政治行为及其思维和行为模式这样一个结构。关于现代中国地方主义的界定,国家的基本法律制度和政治制度应是基本标准;中央政策是一个重要标准;国家的政治传统是一个参照的方面。界定的立足点应在于:它必须出自地方,是地方的意识和行为;它的基本方面是地方对中央;它的本质是地方同中央争权夺利。 相似文献
82.
83.
本文试图说明20世纪前半期日本对中国的政治认识及其政策的结构.笔者的历史分析可概括为三个论点"9·18"事变前后在中国东北的日中经济冲突--政治逐步升级的论说;1932年日本政府对中国政治的认识论--否定"李顿调查报告书"的理论;1937年的日本论坛"中国统一化论争"中的新认识论--日益明确的对中国认识的坚固"岩盘". 相似文献
84.
建国初期到中共十一届三中全会以前,中国的宏观经济从总的时间序列上看,可划分为第一个五年计划时期、第二个五年计划时期、调整时期和"文化大革命"时期四个阶段,每个阶段都有其各自的特点.这个历史时期的经济发展战略是以优先发展重工业为主导,强调发展速度;战略推行的结果虽然成功地建立了一个比较完整的国民经济体系,但在产业结构、积累和消费的关系、增长方式、增长的波动性方面存在不少问题.与此相适应建立起来的集中计划经济体制对于集中力量搞建设是起了作用的,但从效率上讲是失败的.十一届三中全会以来中国的经济体制和经济发展模式发生了深刻的变化,但传统计划经济体制的影响依然对今后的改革与发展构成一定的障碍. 相似文献
85.
关于中国早期国家的几个问题 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
目前学术界对有关中国早期国家的概念存在着分歧.我们认为中国早期国家是指夏商周三代已具备公共权力,但社会仍滞留在居民血缘组织基础之上的政治组织.所谓中国在龙山时代就已出现了早期国家的说法是不能成立的.至于中国早期国家的产生,则是走的部落联盟酋长因其职务的“独立化“转变为“社会主人“这样一条路径. 相似文献
86.
William Bain 《History of European Ideas》2015,41(1):13-28
SummaryScholars of international relations generally invoke Hobbes as the quintessential theorist of international anarchy. David Armitage challenges this characterisation, arguing that Hobbes is regarded as a foundational figure in international relations theory in spite of as much as because of what he wrote on the subject. Thus, for Armitage, Hobbes is not the theorist of anarchy that he is made out to be. This article agrees with the general thrust of Armitage's critique while maintaining that it is still possible to imagine Hobbes as a theorist of anarchy. Hobbes is a theorist of anarchy, not in a political sense, but in a metaphysical sense. This conception of anarchy is a reflection of a comprehensive theological account of reality that is grounded in an omnipotent God. Any historical inquiry into the foundations of modern international thought must take account of theology, because theology defines the ultimate coordinates of reality in terms of which the concepts of international thought are intelligible. 相似文献
87.
This paper rethinks the relationships between capitalist development in indigenous places and the fabric of local differences and specificities. It first develops a critical appraisal of the celebration of ethnic identities, local agency and indigenous knowledge in existing literatures. It suggests that, based on such insights, we can further envision the possibility of questioning and problematising the ontology and concept of the capitalist economy. Above all, this paper is interested in non-capitalist factors percolating into capitalist economies and creating fissures in their logical and ontological coherence. It examines how capitalist economies depend on local specificities to achieve particular configurations. We elucidate this argument with a case study of indigenous development in Lugu Lake, Southwest China, which is inhabited by the ethnic Mosuo people. Through the dual lenses of land and labour, we pay special attention to the transition from grassroots development initiatives to heavy dependence on exogenous capital and entrepreneurs. 相似文献
88.
Simone Turchetti 《Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte》2020,43(4):521-541
This article focuses on the U.S. diplomat and nuclear arms control negotiator Gerald (Gerry) Coat Smith in order to cast new light on the importance of diplomats in the context of the set of international activities currently labelled as “science diplomacy.” Smith, a lawyer by training, was a key negotiator in many international agreements on post-WW2 atomic energy projects, from those on uranium prospecting and mining, to reactors technologies to later ones on non-proliferation and disarmament. His career in science (nuclear) diplomacy also epitomized the shortcomings of efforts to align other countries’ posture on nuclear affairs to U.S. wishes. In particular, the unswerving diplomat increasingly understood that strong-arm tactics to dissuade other countries from acquiring nuclear weapons would not limit proliferation. Not only did this inform later U.S. diplomacy approaches, but it lent itself to the ascendancy of the new notion of “soft power” as critical to the re-definition of international affairs. 相似文献
89.
清代东北地区基层社会的官制,长期具有"旗民分治"的特点。在各处八旗驻防地,尽管八旗制度长期存在,但在八旗制度内部,为应对旗人越旗居住、耕种,以及同一村屯内旗民杂处等若干新问题,各地方旗署将驻防地的村屯按照地域划分成若干界,拣选在旗当差的佐领、防御及世职云骑尉等,委为一界之界官,专办管界内的各项差务。清代东北各八旗驻防地的界官名称不同,设置时间不一,所司职责呈现一定的时空差异,但其旗界内基层承管官的角色不曾改变。界官所承办差务繁杂,主要是维护管界内的社会治安,承办界内旗民人等的涉农事务,督倡本界旗民的风俗教化等。东北地区的八旗界官,在咸丰至同治年间发展到鼎盛时期,自同治朝以降的同光宣三朝,因民治地方官的增设,练、防军及乡团练勇的募练,尤其是光绪末年至宣统年间四乡巡警的创办,八旗界官的职权被分割,因而迅速走向衰亡,但其作为清代东北八旗驻防地区基层行政官制演进中重要一环的地位无可替代。 相似文献
90.
Soli Shahvar 《Domes : digest of Middle East studies》2020,29(1):53-75
The aim of this study is to analyze the Islamic Republic of Iran (IRI)'s policy toward and involvement in the African continent as a case study of the IRI's global policy and reach. The aspiration of the IRI's leadership for international standing and support coupled with a desire to export its revolutionary model and extend its influence beyond its borders have shaped its activity on many continents, including Africa. Africa's strategic location, past colonial experience, political position, rich resources, large Muslim population, and economic attractiveness have all contributed to shaping the IRI's activity within it. This study analyzes IRI's foreign policy in general and its implementation in Africa in particular, identifying the different historical phases of its activity in Africa, distinguishing between the various African regions, the main Iranian organizations involved therein, the means of and channels for Iranian involvement in Africa, and the reasons for IRI's gains and losses on that continent. The study shows how the Islamic regime has managed, during its 40 years of rule, through pragmatism and resilience, to gain influence and support, has endeavored to balance its losses, and has adapted to new circumstances in the African continent. 相似文献