日本中华总商会——以“新华侨”为主体的跨国华人经济社团

论文对日本中华总商会成立的背景、过程、组织活动、会员及其企业等方面进行了考察。认为日本中华总商会既不像传统的中华总商会那样具有帮群结构的基础,也不是华人社会的自治组织,而是具有显著的跨族群、跨地域与跨国界特征。20世纪80年代以来在日中国人社会的急剧扩大,以及同时期中日经贸关系的紧密是该团体成立和发展的直接契机。随着大批日本企业加盟、侨资和中资企业的对日收购、以及企业对市场、资金、人才与技术等资源的整合与调配,华商与非华商的界限也已不再分明。不过,华商资源和中日之间的经贸往来仍然是其跨国网络最重要的支点。     

奥地利华人的移民历史和社群分布

论文在对二次大战前后奥地利华人历史和经济活动进行探讨的基础上,重点对20世纪80年以来奥地利华人的社群分布和特征进行了梳理和分析。在多种华人移民潮和流向相互交错之下,奥地利的华人逐渐形成了一个社群,无论在移民来源地或是社会经济方面都呈现出多元化的特性。源于这种多元性,华人社会内部出现了阶层划分。中国的改革开放和东西方冷战结束这两种因素,使奥地利的华人移民景观发生变化。"中国移民新秩序"格局的形成,对中国人的全球性移民造成深远的影响,延及奥地利。冷战后东西方集团取消政治边界,使奥地利成为中国移民在流向西欧﹑东欧或是南欧的旅途中最受欢迎的过道。奥地利因此从非侨乡新移民的临时落脚地转变成中国移民的安身落户之所。     

(Re)framing identity claims: European and state institutions as opportunity windows for group reinforcement

How do we account for the reinforcement of identity particularisms despite transnational integration? This paper addresses the question by comparing two ethnolinguistic groups, Silesians and Kashubs in Poland. It is argued that in order to obtain state protection and tools to develop and survive, ethnic entrepreneurs adjust to institutions and discourses. Census politics, state laws' elaboration, transnational institutions represent openings to which groups adjust by reframing identity claims. In doing so, they re‐imagine and reinforce their communities. Following Rogers Brubaker, group‐making is presented as an eventful process where ethnic elites invest identity categories with groupness by taking advantage of opportunity windows at hand. Further, tracing changing political opportunities, strategic adjustments and groups' boomerang effect bid, the paper embeds identity groups within the social movement literature.     

王油坊类型龙山文化南徙路线重建——兼论江淮地区的“廊道”性

王油坊类型龙山文化的南徙之旅呈现东西两途。西线去往宁镇地区,即禹会-牛头岗-江宁点将台和高淳朝墩头;东线前赴环太湖流域,即禹会-南荡,至江阴花山,再东去松江广福林。在其南徙的过程中,江淮是必经之道。江淮属于"廊道"地区,一方面,它的连通性给区域间文化交流带来便利;另一方面,这一开放的区域又易引来外域强势文化的干扰,导致本地文化受损。众多的能流、物质流、信息流,都以高密度、高流速和少停留的方式从此通过,从根本上决定了廊道地区相比于稳定的文化母区,不可能凝聚和沉淀起深厚的文化底蕴,导致江淮地区的社会进程出现断裂相。     

意大利工业区与华人的双重挑战

论文分析了全球性竞争压力对工业区适应机制的影响及工业区的竞争优势以及工业区内部形成的华人经济的潜在威胁,探讨了在新的条件下将这种威胁转化为新的发展机遇的可能性。认为华人经济的特殊优势使华人企业越来越活跃,但却使当地企业日益萎缩。这反过来又促使当地经济整体进行转型;华人企业家的某些优势在于其跨地区和跨国网络;华人移民对其祖籍国潜在商业伙伴的能力和品德有深度了解,如果能发挥中介作用,意大利当地企业就能使其工业生产及产品销售国际化。     

Transnational Muslim solidarities and everyday life

ABSTRACT. Discussions of globalisation and identity have focused on the renewed relevance of various post‐national frameworks of belonging, including the Muslim umma. This article argues against the idea that the umma has come to constitute a primary referent in contemporary Muslim debates about identity or a form of globalised political consciousness. Furthermore, the advent of ‘post‐Islamism’ means that Islamic political mobilisation rarely seeks to establish alternative political orders within the container of the nation‐state. However, this does not mean that we are seeing a reaffirmation of the nation in Muslim contexts today. Rather, transnational Muslim solidarities represent an intermediate space of affiliation and socio‐political mobilisation that exists alongside and in an ambivalent relationship with the nation‐state. I point to two different socio‐religious movements that, without positing the primacy or exclusivity of the umma/Islamic identity, express discrepant visions of the relationship between Islam and the nation: (1) the Fethullah Gülen movement, which serves simultaneously as the vehicle for a particular vision of neo‐Ottoman Turkish nationalism and a critique of the Kemalist national order; and (2) the neo‐Salafist movement, read here as an effort to embed conceptions of public morality and accountability within the discursive tradition of orthodox Islam rather than the institutional framework of modern polity.     

From “refugee” to “migrant” in Calais solidarity activism: Re-staging undocumented migration for a future politics of asylum

The framing of issues of migration and clandestine travel in the European Union are tied up with a historically-specific ethos towards the outsider, which, after philosopher Jacques Rancière, I term a “count”. The count shaping the interventions of contemporary advocacy and humanitarian groups derives from conceptions of ethics rooted in political modernity, and – for Rancière – are also responsible for foreclosing disruptive appearances of equality. In practice, postures of compassion towards the refugee convert expressions of vocal dissent into matters for moral sympathy. In this paper I explore the implications of this claim for a future politics of asylum, focussing on moments of interruption to an underlying count. I suggest that the staging of the situation of undocumented migrants in Calais through the figure of the migrant rather than the refugee demonstrates a recasting of activism as a form of political listening rather than political speech – in this sense the interventions of anarchistic network No Borders reflect a call for a continuous “recount” of the situation, over an affirmation of a particular framing of the situation. In some ways this call remains problematic, sometimes reframing the voices of local people and migrants according to an external vision of politics. Nevertheless, I hold that this denaturalisation of compassionate hospitality as the only ethical response to asylum is useful in the broader terrain of political dissent, and points to the importance of embodied habit as a locus for enduring social transformations.     

INTERNAL VERSUS INTERNATIONAL MIGRATION AND THE ROLE OF MULTIPLE DEPRIVATION

This study disentangles the concept of relative deprivation by distinguishing feelings of individual and collective relative deprivation as sources of individual aspirations. Both concepts are then operationalised and empirically tested with regard to their relative importance in migration decision-making. Based on data from the National Sample Survey in 2008, two factors turn out to be relevant in understanding the Indian migration pattern. First, individual and collective relative deprivations are both strong predictors for out-migration, but only for short-distance, intra-state movements. The likelihood of out-migration towards international destinations is significantly higher for households with lower levels of individual and collective relative deprivation. Second, leaving aside the effects of relative deprivation, absolute deprivation plays a rather ambivalent role: while economically better-off households have a higher propensity for sending (primarily male) migrants to distant inter-state and international destinations, shorter distance out-migration is mainly dominated by female migrants stemming from poorer households.     

‘DOING FAMILY’

Drawing on a case study of married female migrants from two rural villages of Hung Yen province to Hanoi City, Vietnam, this paper investigates the implications of female migration on gender roles and relations within families. The paper shows that wives' migration changes gender roles and relations within the family. Being on the move, migrant wives become the main breadwinners while their husbands left behind take on the role of carers. The migrant wives acquire a stronger voice in family matters and a strong sense of pride, worthiness and earned respect, whereas their husbands experience a loss of power. However, these changing gender roles and relations rarely result in family fragmentations; instead, families are still being sustained as migrant wives ‘do family’. By ‘doing family’, they can exploit their increasing power in an acceptable manner, so that patriarchal family ideals are not openly confronted. This paper provides a more nuanced understanding of the implications of female migration on families, i.e. the simultaneity of the reproduction of and the change in gender roles and relations within families.     

Migration and left-behind parents and children of migrants in Cambodia: a look at household composition and the economic situation

ABSTRACT

This paper examines composition of households formed after the outmigration of a household member in rural Cambodian and correlates household types with indicators of economic condition. The paper focuses on households containing left-behind parents and the children of migrants. Excess mortality in the 1970s due to war suggests the association between migration and economic condition may be gendered. This could be exacerbated when migration leads to a skip-generation household containing a left-behind parent and a child of migrant without an own parent of the child present. Data come from the Cambodian Rural-Urban Migration Project (CRUMP), a project designed to study migration in rural Cambodia. Most households formed after a migration contain a left-behind parent of migrant. While about 22 per cent of these households contain a left-behind child of migrant, the per cent is over 60 per cent when the migrant is themselves a parent. The economic situation tends to be worst for left behind solo mothers (mothers of migrants who do not live with a spouse) and best for left-behind coupled parents of migrants. There is evidence that the combination of left-behind solo mothers living with children of migrants in a skip-generation situation is the most disadvantaged.