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91.
《中华人民共和国非物质文化遗产法》("非遗法")颁布实施以后,我国已就非物质文化遗产(非遗)传承人权利保障相关问题进行地方法制实践。这些地方立法不仅保留了"非遗法"相关规定之精华,同时亦在此基础上进行了创新。这些地方法制的做法不仅具有正当性,还具有诸多亮点和启示。为缓解非遗领域不同位阶法律适用冲突以及平衡、协调非遗传承人权利与义务之间关系,"非遗法"应就非遗传承人权利保障机制等问题进行规定,以最终实现非遗法律体系形式功能与实质功能的统一。 相似文献
92.
Tobias Jung 《Berichte zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte》2004,27(4):297-310
The Russian mathematician and physicist Friedmann and the Belgian priest and physicist Lemaître were the first to consider non‐static world models in the framework of Einstein's general theory of relativity. Friedmann seemed to favour a periodic, oscillating cosmological model. His investigations were taken up by Russian cosmologists in the 1960s. They stated that the singularities present in many of the Friedmann‐Lemaître cosmological models seemed to be artificial and were ascribed to the assumption of a highly symmetric distribution of cosmic matter. Their disapproval of singularities seems to be in accord with Soviet ideological requirements during that time like atheism and dialectic materialism. They had to retract their statements after Hawking had proved his singularity theorems and after the microwave background had been discovered. Hawking followed the line of thought which was initiated by Lemaître in the early 1930s. Lemaître had combined for the first time quantum physics and relativistic cosmology and had developed his idea of the primeval atom, a beginning of the universe in a dense state with just one quantum containing the whole mass of the universe. Pope Pius XII brought together this primeval atom and God as the Creator of the universe and declared in 1951 that big bang cosmology is compatible with the Bible. Not surprisingly Hawking was awarded the Pius XI medal by the Vatican in 1975 for his contributions to big bang cosmology. 相似文献
93.
崔承现 《华侨华人历史研究》2007,(3):7-16
通过当前韩国对于海外华人四个方面的"似是而非"认识的分析,对华商网络的倾向与特征、建设韩民族网络等问题的探讨,得出结论:韩国华侨与韩国所理解的海外华人之间存在很大的差异;当代韩国政府希望能像中国充分发挥海外华人的优势那样,使海外韩人发展成为韩国在21世纪的新的成长动力并加以利用的认识是一种错误的"乐观判断";海外华人对祖国的向心力,不只是来自爱国情,更重要的是其生存保障与利益的实现;中韩两国的侨务政策存在区别,中国致力于"护侨",而韩国的目光集中于"用侨"。 相似文献
94.
1952年9月15日,中苏两国在莫斯科签署《中华人民共和国中央人民政府、苏维埃社会主义共和国联盟政府关于帮助中华人民共和国植胶、割胶、制胶及售与苏联橡胶的协定》。该协定在扩大中国橡胶生产、派遣苏联专家到中国担任顾问、贷款和还款、售与苏联橡胶、移民云南等方面对20世纪50年代云南农垦系统的发展产生了重要影响。 相似文献
95.
中尼边界是继中缅边界后通过外交谈判正式划定、勘定的第二条明晰的陆地边界线。通过谈判,中尼边界正式划定、勘定,包括双方争议较大的珠穆朗玛峰的归属问题,也以中方大体平分、边界线划在蜂顶的建议方案为基础达成基本共识。中尼边界谈判与中缅边界谈判的成功,为新中国有计划、有步骤地以和平共处五项原则为基础,通过外交谈判、互谅互让和友好协商,全面彻底地和平解决与陆地邻国的边界问题提供了成功范例。 相似文献
96.
农村宅基地管理:问题与对策 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
随着我国社会经济的快速发展和城市化、城镇化进程的加快,涉及农村宅基地的矛盾日益突出,已成为影响农村社会安定的重要因素。当前农村宅基地管理上存在着人均宅基地面积超标、村庄建设缺乏合理化规划、"空心村"、制度设计有重大缺陷等一系列问题,在此背景下,需要采取如下措施,即:加强宅基地立法体系建设,规范宅基地管理;严格宅基地规划、审批管理;完善农村宅基地流转制度;加强土地执法。 相似文献
97.
陈凤兰 《华侨华人历史研究》2011,(3):41-49
论文运用田野调查的方法,选择南非的中国新移民作为研究对象,介绍了20世纪90年代以来南非中国新移民群体的概况,阐释了中国新移民在南非遭遇的文化冲突以及他们的适应策略。研究发现,中国新移民在基本价值、家庭观念、消费观念等方面与南非人有明显的冲突,新移民群体对"南非文化"持一种"保持距离"的态度。具体体现在居住区域、社会交往和通婚等方面。同时,同质性强的中国新移民身处介于同质与异质之间的社会空间,对南非文化仍有明显的隔阂。 相似文献
98.
Floris Boogaard Ronald Wentink Michel Vorenhout Johannes de Beer 《Conservation and Management of Archaeological Sites》2013,15(1-3):328-341
The shallow subsurface in historic cities often contains extensive archaeological remains, also known as cultural deposits. Preservation conditions for naturally degradable archaeological remains are strongly dependent on the presence or absence of groundwater. One of the main goals at such heritage sites is to establish a stable hydrological environment. Green infrastructural solutions such as Sustainable Urban Drainage Systems (SUDS) can support preservation of cultural deposits. Several cases show that implementation of SUDS can be cost effective at preservation of cultural deposits. These include Motte of Montferland, City mound of Vlaardingen, Weiwerd in Delfzijl, and the Leidse Rijn area. In all cases, the amount of underground infrastructure is minimised to prevent damaging cultural layers. SUDS have been implemented to preserve cultural heritage. The first monitoring results and evaluation of the processes give valuable lessons learned, transnational knowledge exchange is an important element to bring the experiences across boundaries. 相似文献
99.
Ferdinand Nicolas Göhde 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2013,18(4):461-475
Abstract Between 1834 and 1870, Germans participated in the armed conflicts of the Italian Risorgimento in the ranks of both Mazzini and Garibaldi and of the Pope and Francis II of Naples. While acknowledging the difficulty in analysing the motives of historical actors, the essay compares the reasons that led these Germans to volunteer and fight. For those who fought for the cause of Italian unity, the networks created in exile in the 1830s remained decisive down to 1870, whereas the mobilization of volunteers in Germany for the Papal states reached its height only later between 1867 and 1870. Despite these chronological differences, the methods used in terms of the media and forms of organization to mobilize the volunteers and to legitimize war were very similar across the political spectrum. The foreign volunteers were described by their own side as brothers, but as mere mercenaries by the respective enemy side. At the same time, Germans and Italians brought their national stereotypes to the various armed groups and armies in which they served and in ways that made the latter important places for the staging of national ‘re-virilization’ achieved through heroic fighting. 相似文献
100.
David I. Kertzer 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2013,18(4):412-423
On the occasion of the Conference on the State of Italy, held at Brown University's Watson Institute for International Studies on 29–30 October 2013, David Kertzer interviewed former two-time Italian Prime Minister Romano Prodi. Their focus was on the evolution of Prodi's involvement in Italian government and politics. This first in what is planned to be two such interviews examines Prodi's initial move from an economics professor at the University of Bologna interested in the study of political economy and industrial policy, to a major figure in implementing industrial policy in Italy. It looks at his brief stint as Minister of Industry under Giulio Andreotti, his founding of the influential industrial study group Nomisma, and then his presidency of the Institute for Industrial Reconstruction (IRI), Italy's giant holding company. With the crisis of the Italian political system in the early 1990s, Prodi was central to the creation of a new centre-left coalition, named L'Ulivo (the Olive Tree), an experience he recalls here, along with his first experience as Prime Minister, from 1996 to 1998. 相似文献