Masculinity under the knife: Filipino men,trafficking and the black organ market in Manila,the Philippines

The Philippines has recently achieved notoriety as one of the top five source countries for commercially provided organs, particularly kidneys, globally. The vast majority of commercial organ providers are economically marginal men, thus throwing into question conventional wisdom regarding the gendered nature of human trafficking in which most trafficked persons are presumed to be female. This article examined the motives of men who sell kidneys in Manila's black organ market and their ongoing negotiations when their aspirations are not fulfilled. I suggest that family considerations figure prominently amongst many of the men, who attempt to use the money from the sale of a kidney as a livelihood or family security strategy. Narratives of economically marginal men in the Philippines about the commercial value of their body parts are situated in discourses of traditional Philippines ideas about masculinity, particularly concerning the male breadwinner and also about heroism. Thus, although an emotionally and relationally complex decision, selling a kidney nonetheless allows these men to attempt to reclaim their masculine roles, but often with contradictory outcomes.     

太平天国早期萧朝贵与杨秀清关系考辨

“天兄”代言人萧朝贵与“天父”代言人杨秀清之间并非纯粹的同盟、挚友,两人在合作共事的背后,隐藏着鲜为人知的矛盾。在太平天国的孕育期,“天兄”曾通过揽权、培植私党、代理首辅,试图创造超越“天父”权威的神话。在金田团营的关键时刻,萧朝贵还利用直接命令、诋毁中伤、孤立压制等手段欲使病重的杨秀清脱离上帝会的权力核心,实现自己的政治抱负。但“天兄”（萧朝贵）与“天父”（杨秀清）之间的关系也不能简单地视为对手、仇敌,两者微妙的政治、宗教关系以及太平天国生存的主客观环境,都决定了萧朝贵的“夺权”仅是一股无法逾越地表的政治暗潮。     

明代勋爵承袭与勋臣宗族活动初探

明代公、侯、伯勋爵承袭遵照一套完整的勘验制度,以诰券、宗图为准,由五府、吏部执行。在这种制度的整肃下,勋贵家族组织在形式上向上古封建宗法礼制靠拢,部分族众的宗族意识不断提高,明皇朝的统治秩序与政权合理性亦借此彰显。但随着明代中后期勋臣家族生齿日繁,兼之勋爵袭封制度出现纰漏与畸变,勋贵子弟争袭爵位的现象频繁发生,宗族的秩序性受到冲击,勋臣宗族组织僵化复古,依附于国家强权而缺乏自我调节功能的特性暴露无遗。     

近代中国华商企业“红股”的嬗变--以华商上海水泥公司资本增殖为中心

资本是维系企业生存和发展的命脉,而股份制企业筹集资本则不外乎对外招股和内部增殖两种途径。在近代中国华商股份制企业的创立和发展过程中,就对外招股而言,延续着一种按认购股份比例赠予红股的传统;就内部增殖来看,亦出现了一种以配发股份(红股)代替现金分红的制度。当在同一家企业中出现上述两种红股先后更替的嬗变时,则不仅反映了企业财务状况的改善,而且还体现了企业在制度设计上的优化。     

柳诒徵论中国传统史学的治史原则与方法

柳诒徵作为中国现代文化保守主义史学大师结合西方新史学思想,对中国传统史学做了大量阐述。他对中国传统治史原则和方法的阐述尤为丰富和精深,主要包括五方面:一、"治史之必本于德"的原则;二、国史书写的道德评判准则;三、史识与史德、史法的关系和治史重在求取史识;四、注重史事普遍联系的史学记载和表述;五、正确看待考据在治史中的地位和作用。这些史学思想体现了柳诒徵史学通贯古今和兼融中西的基本特征。     

湘淮集团与19世纪60年代上海的崛起

19世纪60年代,是上海从"江南的上海"向"上海的江南"过渡的关键时期。这一时期,湘淮集团一方面通过解除太平军对上海围困,解决在此过程中产生的诸多社会问题,有效控制了上海的军政大权;另一方面通过采取系列的手段和措施,以处理日显复杂的上海中外关系,为上海的发展创造了一个相对安定和平的环境,从而成为了19世纪60年代上海崛起的一个重要因素。     

抗战时期中国公务员任用制度

八年抗战时期,国民政府变通普通行政人员、边远省区和具有特殊性质公务员的任用法规,降低考试及格人员的任职资格。与此同时,统一人事管理制度,补办公务员甄别审查,推行公务员、备用人员、军用文职人员的登记,以及公务员的聘用、派用与内外调任制度,兼顾了公务员任用制度的常态发展。这些举措,体现了公务员的依法任用,顺应了抗战建国的需要。由于公务员任用制度本身存在缺点,在执行的过程中"事前审查"变成"事后追认",以及专制制度的危害,孙中山关于考试权独立的理想没有完全实现。     

南京国民政府时期国民党中央与立法院关系的变迁

南京国民政府时期,国民党中央与立法院之间的关系较为复杂。在不同的历史阶段上,二者关系有所变化。训政前期,国民党中央通过立法原则等手段直接控制立法院;抗战期间,控制更为直接,立法院的立法权部分被替代。在这两个阶段上,立法院为维护立法权的行使,不断向国民党中央提出建议,表示异议,但未否决过国民党中央的决定,尚未表现出反控制的倾向。宪政准备期间,立法院出现了反控制倾向;至"行宪"后,国民党中央的控制力大为减弱,立法院独立性与反控制倾向显著增强。二者关系的变迁是在思想观念、法律制度、组织状况等因素的综合作用下发生的,其对立法权的运作及整个国民党政权都产生了重要影响。     

Online petitions in Australia: Information,opportunity and gender

This article compares offline and online petition signing in Australia, to examine whether online forms of political activity can mobilise citizens who would otherwise not participate. Using data from the 2010 Australian Election Study and a model of civic voluntarism comprising online and offline resources, the article presents several unexpected findings. First, women are significantly more likely than men to sign both written and e-petitions, and this will likely continue with the increasing circulation of e-petitions and corresponding decline in written petitions. Second, Australians from a non-English-speaking background are underrepresented in the signing of written petitions but not of e-petitions. Civic skills gained in the workplace and voluntary organisations positively predict both forms of petition signing, but language, gender and income do not constitute barriers to the signing of e-petitions. This article contributes to emerging evidence the internet can mobilise traditionally underrepresented groups to participate in political activity.

本文对澳大利亚脱线和在线请愿做了比较,以了解在线的政治活动能否动员起本来不参与政治的公民。笔者使用了2010年澳大利亚选举研究的数据以及比较在线与脱线资源的公民志愿行动模型,获得了若干意想不到的发现。首先,比起男子,妇女联署纸本及电子请愿书的可能性会大得多,这种情况会伴随着电子请愿的流行和纸本请愿的式微而继续下去。公民在工作单位以及志愿者组织那里获得的技能有助于他们积极参与两种请愿,而语言、性别、收入也不构成电子请愿的障碍。本文印证了互联网可以动员以往不大被代表的人群参与政治活动的说法。     

A New Model of Executive Power: A Montesquieuan Explanation of the Obama Presidency

Abstract

The perennial concern over executive overreach continues well into Obama's presidency, leading many to wonder if the “unitary executive” is here to stay. Discussions of executive war powers focus on three models. The Hamiltonian perspective gives presidents the lead position in foreign affairs; the second model, following Madison, presents Congress as the leader when initiating hostilities. Finally, Jeffersonians present emergency powers as extra-legal, giving presidents a sphere of actions that cannot be contained within constitutional discussions. Problematically, current scholarship implicitly or explicitly grounds these explanations in Locke's political philosophy. This occurs despite a dearth of references to Locke during the Constitutional Convention and infrequent references to his thought during early debates over executive-congressional divisions of war powers. Comparatively, all of these seminal American figures frequently mention Montesquieu, often fighting over the specifics of his theory. While scholars widely acknowledge this influence, they rarely mention him during discussions of war powers or the nature of executive power in general. This article examines the Montesquieuan understanding of executive power and shows how this model represents a viable alternative to the Lockean one. Most importantly, examining the executive from a Montesquieuan perspective provides solutions to current problems that the Lockean perspective does not.