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81.
冲突与背离:新生代农民工群体的内在矛盾及其深层解读 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
新生代农民工身上包含着多种相互排斥的冲突与背离,具体表现在:心气高而能力低、学历低;不想“回乡”却又难以“入城”;收入不高,消费水平不低;频繁跳槽换工作,却难得到提升;维权意识增强,但维权环境欠佳。诸如此类的冲突与背离,折射出新生代农民工在“城市梦”的实现过程中饱含艰辛。 相似文献
82.
廖小健 《华侨华人历史研究》2007,(4):19-26
从不同的宗教信仰对马华两族的融合与通婚的阻碍、自成体系的语言与媒体对彼此沟通的影响、族群政治动员在强化族群意识方面所起的作用等文化特征和族群政治的角度,探讨了影响马华两族关系的原因。结论是:马华两族宗教信仰和语言教育的区分、马来西亚特殊的族群政治态势,是影响马华两族关系发展的几个重要因素。 相似文献
83.
《国语》方言词研究 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
陈长书 《古籍整理研究学刊》2007,(2):72-76
通过考察,本文认为《国语》中存有部分方言词。联系上古方言词的一些材料我们梳理出了40余个《国语》方言词,并在对它们所在国别和方言区对应关系调查的基础上对《国语》作者、《国语》方言词的历时层次以及战国中前期稚言和方言关系等问题进行了推断和解释。 相似文献
84.
方向东 《古籍整理研究学刊》2007,(6):81-83
《札迻》是孙诒让的第一部问世之作,校勘订正了秦、汉至齐、梁间七十八种古书中的讹误衍脱千余条,有功于学界。笔者在研读过程中,发现尚有值得商榷之处,今提出若干条,以见教于方家。 相似文献
85.
JEFF MALPAS 《History and theory》2019,58(1):3-22
History, it is routinely assumed, belongs primarily to time and the temporal. Yet although routine, the assumption is nevertheless mistaken. It is place or topos, which encompasses both time and space (and that is intimately tied to the notion of bound or limit), that is primary here, and so history has to be understood as determined topologically, and not merely temporally. The exploration and elaboration of this claim involves rethinking the ideas of time, space, and place as well as of language and narrative. History appears in its adventual character, but its adventuality is itself seen as a happening of place. 相似文献
86.
Yulia Bosworth 《The American review of Canadian studies》2019,49(1):5-24
This article discusses the ideological underpinnings and sociolinguistic factors driving the pervasive negative social discourse on the quality of the French language spoken by Canada’s current Prime Minister Justin Trudeau. The “obsession” among Québécois with the quality of Justin Trudeau’s French is demonstrated in an analysis of a corpus of commentary generated in Quebec’s mainstream press during the period surrounding the 2015 Canadian federal election. This intensely negative metadiscourse is shown to be rooted in the context of Quebec’s difficult sociolinguistic history and its contemporary language ideologies, viewed here as biased in favor of speakers with monolingual competence and French-Canadian ancestry. Crucially, the pervasive criticism of Justin Trudeau’s French and the ensuing denial to him of Francophone status are claimed here to serve as a proxy for extra-linguistic criticism and the positioning him as “other” with respect to Québécois collective identity. 相似文献
87.
none 《Interdisciplinary science reviews : ISR》2013,38(1):6-7
AbstractIn his reply to President Scheel's speech to the Fraunhofer Society (above pp. 2–5) the author – a Member of our Editorial Board – disagrees with a number of his statements. Most important is his formulation of the crucial agreement that knowledge must be applied only to such an extent that the general welfare remain unharmed. 相似文献
88.
Catherine T. Dunlop 《Imago Mundi: The International Journal for the History of Cartography》2013,65(2):253-267
ABSTRACT During the nineteenth century, Europeans became fascinated with the idea of locating and mapping the borders between their languages. The barrier of language offered a new way of seeing, dividing and organizing European land according to cultural differences. The cartographic techniques that Europeans invented to map their language borders involved a combination of linguistic surveys, on-site observations and collaboration with locals. Once printed, language maps found a broad public audience and helped to structure debates over cultural identity in European borderlands. This article explores the nationalist and regionalist motivations behind linguistic map making along the French-German border, one of the most disputed in modern European history. 相似文献
89.
Hudson Meadwell 《Nations & Nationalism》2012,18(4):563-582
The central distinguishing feature of Ernest Gellner's most important treatment of nationalism is the proposition that nationalism is necessary for industrial society. Relatively little attention has been paid to the philosophical dimension of this proposition. The question of necessity in social explanation, however, is a complicated philosophical problem and must be dealt with directly if this proposition is to be endorsed. I argue that Gellner's argument is philosophically flawed. The ‘ordinary prose’ of Nations and Nationalism fails to deliver what Gellner claims to have delivered: the demonstration of a necessary connection between nationalism and industrial society. This result is of particular relevance given Gellner's philosophical interests. 相似文献
90.
Marc Scully 《Nations & Nationalism》2012,18(2):191-209
Through the prism of current state discourses in Ireland on engagement with the Irish diaspora, this article examines the empirical merit of the related concepts of ‘diaspora’ and ‘transnationalism’. Drawing on recent research on how Irish identity is articulated and negotiated by Irish people in England, this study suggests a worked distinction between the concepts of ‘diaspora’ and ‘transnationalism’. Two separate discourses of authenticity are compared and contrasted: they rest on a conceptualisation of Irish identity as transnational and diasporic, respectively. I argue that knowledge of contemporary Ireland is constructed as sufficiently important that claims on diasporic Irishness are constrained by the discourse of authentic Irishness as transnational. I discuss how this affects the identity claims of second‐generation Irish people, the relationship between conceptualisations of Irishness as diasporic within Ireland and ‘lived’ diasporic Irish identities, and implications for state discourses of diaspora engagement. 相似文献