博物馆文物的防震保护研究（三）——陈列文物的地震安全性分析

通过分析博物馆馆藏文物的悬吊、固定、浮放等基本放置形式,探讨了文物的陈列特征及其可能造成的震害因素。综合考察和分析研究了国内外浮放式物体及陈列文物的运动状态,指出陈列文物在地震发生时的主要危害性运动是滑移和倾覆。根据相关浮放物在地震作用下的计算方法、上海博物馆文物的陈列特征及防震设计参数,提出简便实用的浮放式陈列文物稳定性计算模型,编制了适合上海博物馆文物安全性分析的计算程序。并以上海博物馆文物陈列的3类接触材料、4楼中国古代玉器馆的典型陈列文物为试点,计算了陈列文物在地震中遭受破坏的临界值。表明在设防水准的大震和中震情况下,目前陈列现状的绝大多数文物均存在倾覆和滑移安全隐患,但当文物所受到的地震动减小到110gal时可满足陈列安全。     

Cultural censorship in defective democracy: the South Korean blacklist case

ABSTRACT

This paper attempts to understand the cultural censorship practiced in contemporary South Korea, a liberal democracy, where cultural quangos were established after political democratization, following the arm’s length model. I will focus on the analysis of cases from the film industry which has been central to the censorship debate historically in Korea because of its popular appeal. The establishment of arm’s length cultural organizations laid the foundation for freedom of cultural expression which had been seriously curtailed under military rule. However, recent revelations of cultural blacklist cases under the two previous administrations are baffling to understand since rampant political censorship was practiced through ostensibly autonomous cultural organizations. The paper examines the ways in which the state constructed a ‘system of ideological censorship’ by using not only cultural quangos but non-cultural state apparatuses. In so doing, the paper emphasizes the role of non-cultural policy state institutions in the operation of cultural policy and the effect of state systems on cultural organizations. I draw upon the concept of defective democracy to understand the socio-political condition where these cultural organizations exist.     

The new patron state in South Korea: cultural policy,democracy and the market economy

ABSTRACT

This article explores conceptual frameworks for understanding Korea’s contemporary cultural policy by looking into the historical transformation of the culture-state-market relations in the country. It argues that Korea has become ‘a new kind of patron state’, which emulates the existing patron states in the West firmly within the statist framework and ambitiously renders government-led growth of cultural industries (and the Korean Wave) as a new responsibility of the state. The formation of Korea’s new patron state has been driven by a ‘parallel movement’ consisting of democracy and the market economy, which has defined the political and socio-economic trajectory of Korean society itself since the 1990s. Democracy has been articulated in cultural policy as cultural freedom, cultural enjoyment and the arm’s length principle; meanwhile, the market economy of culture has been facilitated by a ‘dynamic push’ of the state. After discussing the parallel movement, the article points out the tension, ambiguity and contradiction entailed in cultural policy of the new patron state.     

Beveridge’s rival: Juliet Rhys-Williams and the campaign for basic income, 1942–55

Historians of Britain’s post-war welfare state have long been aware of the shortcomings of the social insurance model, but the political impact of the Beveridge report has tended to obscure the alternative visions of welfare canvassed in the 1940s and 1950s. This article examines the social activist Juliet Rhys-Williams’ campaign for the integration of the tax and benefit systems and the provision of a universal basic income, which attracted wide interest from economists, journalists, and Liberal and Conservative politicians during and after the Second World War. Though Rhys-Williams’ proposals were not adopted, they helped establish a distinctive ‘social market’ perspective on welfare provision which has become central to British social policy debates since the 1960s and 1970s.     

衣及权力:明代中国的礼仪、服装与国家权威

As soon as Zhu Yuanzhang, the founder of the Ming Dynasty, assumed the throne, he and his Confucian assistants imposed a system of clothing regulation on the court and society in order to create a hierarchical power structure. As an important aspect of Chinese civilization, the clothing system functioned to form a social hierarchy, to regulate people’s activities, to harmonize the relations among the people, and finally to make a stable society under the close control of the state. The state control in the Ming remained effective until the reigns of Hongzhi (1488–1506) and Zhengde (1506–1521), when commercialization released people’s consumption desires and economic dynamics and caused deregulation of the Ming clothing system, which eventually undermined the state authority.     

陈独秀前期国家思想述论

国家主权意识构成了陈独秀前期国家思想的理论起点.由此,陈独秀阐明了有关现代国家理论,对中国封建专制制度及其黑暗现实进行批判,并积极探索了在中国实现宪政制度的具体途径,表现出鲜明的时代特色,代表了历史发展的方向.     

“家族国家观”的悖论

日本儒教中的家族孝主义是家族国家观的重要基础。但是作为幕藩体制下封建武士之间的道德,它无法直接为明治近代化的目标服务甚至形成阻碍。因此家族国家观虽然植根于传统的儒教家族主义,但又是对其不适应时代课题的部分进行修正后,重新建构起来的一种意识形态。因此带有两面性,不是简单的“复古”,也不是儒教家族主义道德的简单复活。虽然家族国家观在统合民众方面发挥了巨大作用,但由于其原理与近代国家原理之间存在抵触,致使家族国家观自身蕴含着重大的悖论。     

清代瓷质祭礼器略论

本文通过对故宫博物院藏瓷器实物的考察,并结合《皇朝礼器图式》、《备物昭诚》等内府彩绘本清代典制书籍,考述了礼书记载的各式瓷质仿古礼器在乾隆时期确有生产,且嘉庆、道光、咸丰、同治、光绪朝都有补做。同时,因清代礼制规定国家诸祀和内廷诸祀的行礼场所和受祭对象不同,导致瓷质祭礼器的生产制度、造型与种类也有所差别。     

清季支那史、东洋史教科书介译初探

清季对日本之支那史、东洋史教科书的介译,是清末教育改革的产物,对清末早期新式学堂的历史教育,对国人自编本国史教科书的出现,都产生了深远影响;支那史、东洋史的介译亦是20世纪初年新史学思潮的重要组成部分,对新史学思潮的深入发展起到了推波助澜的作用;介译支那史、东洋史之主旨在于弘扬爱国主义精神,表现出较为浓厚的功利色彩。支那史、东洋史教科书在中国近代教育史、史学史上应有一定的地位。