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71.
This article deals with the access to global markets via inclusionin global value chains for private clothing producers in Vietnam.It argues that ‘chain entry barriers’ are not onlyconstructed by global buyers as it is often suggested, but alsoby political–economic processes in Vietnam. The marketorientations of four segments of private enterprise owners isexamined and shown to correspond to their ethnicity, originand location in northern or southern Vietnam. It is argued thatthis is mostly because these factors influence access to thestate system, where export-related resources are found.  相似文献   
72.
ABSTRACT. Although researchers have deconstructed the myth of stark social differences between the various North American sub‐societies, an assimilating American melting pot and an ethnically oppressive monocultural Québec are still popular representations within Canadian majority discourses, such as the English‐language mainstream media and parts of academia. In this paper, I argue that images of ‘America’ and ‘Québec’ play important roles for the multicultural reconstruction of Canadian nationhood. Examining selected op‐ed articles from two Toronto‐based mainstream newspapers during the 1990s, I develop and exemplify a theoretical understanding of how national identities are constituted and transformed within inter‐ and intra‐national relations of power and alterity. I pay special attention to the particularisation of Canada through the confrontation with American nationhood, the ambiguities of recognising the distinctiveness of Québec inside Canada, and the consequences of projecting Québec's supposedly ‘ethnic’ nationalism outside the boundaries of Canadianness.  相似文献   
73.
ABSTRACT. Following the successful referendum of May 2006, Montenegro became the last of the former Yugoslav republics to opt for an independent state. Only fifteen years earlier, when the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia collapsed, Montenegro was resolute to continue the Yugoslav state‐formation in a union with Serbia. This paper attempts to answer the following questions: Why did it take so much longer for the Montenegrin population to follow the experience of other republics in its decision on independence? How can one explain a staggering change in public opinion on questions of national self‐determination over such a short time‐span? And, finally, what are the dominant discourses of “Montenegrin‐ness”? The authors argue that the answers to these questions are to be found in the particularities of Montenegro's historical development, and especially in the structural legacies of state socialism. The consequence of these developments was the formation of two separate Montenegrin national ideologies: one which sees Montenegrins as ethnically Serb, and the other that defines Montenegrins in civic terms. The paper concludes that these two divergent trajectories of nation‐formation in Montenegro are largely the unintended consequence of intensive state‐building, cultural and political modernisation and, most of all, the gradual politicisation and institutionalisation of high culture.  相似文献   
74.
冷战时期,无论安全领域的利益汇合点还是经贸领域的利益汇合点,都在解冻、维系和推动中美关系中发挥着重要作用,但是这两个利益汇合点的作用并不是等同的,彼此间的安全需求大于经贸需求,而且社会制度和意识形态的根本对立并没有因安全利益汇合点而消失,其对中美两国关系的消极影响一直存在。  相似文献   
75.
张学海 《华夏考古》2006,(2):102-112
本文分析了聚落群的产生发展过程、基本特征和性质。指出其早期阶段是部落,晚期阶段大都是古国,聚落辟经历了从部落到国家的发展过程。论述了国家的起源。认为酋邦和消亡阶段的部落无大区别,中国不必划分酋邦时期。  相似文献   
76.
江苏淮安财富广场南北朝家族墓是一处典型的家族墓地,墓葬排列有序,随葬器物较为丰富精美,时代特征明显,文化因素较为复杂,对研究南北朝时期丧葬礼俗及淮安地方历史文化具有重要的价值。  相似文献   
77.
法家学派在时间上有前期、后期之分,在地域上有齐法家和三晋法家之分。商鞅是前期法家名代表人物,其法学理论典型地体现于社会终极理想之中。他认为人类社会的历史可以划分为两大阶段:首先是法治化社会,以法治国,在社会高度法治化基础之上,人类有望进入其理想化阶段——道德自律社会。法的力量由中心退居边缘,伦理道德价值体系开始由边缘走向中心,道德价值体系成为人类社会最高原则。从“法治”到“德治”,这是商鞅法学理论的逻辑过程,也是商鞅法学理论的全部内涵。  相似文献   
78.
《春秋》所载伐邢之"狄"应为商人.在邢国墓葬考古中,发现有"毁墓"现象,由年代和情势判断,只能是对邢有"亡国"之恨的商人所为.狄也叫戎.戎在金文中写作" ",最初是商王小乙之子"子 "的氏族徽志.这个氏族一部分居于王畿北境,今河北新乐一带,负守土之责.周公东征后逃匿太行山中.狄也作翟.翟,《说文》云"山雉尾长者",《赵世家》云"子姓".图腾和族姓皆与商人相同.  相似文献   
79.
Teodora Todorova 《对极》2015,47(5):1367-1387
This paper examines some of the emerging critical civil society debates in relation to the one‐state solution being the most appropriate geo‐political arrangement for the articulation of freedom, justice and equality in Palestine‐Israel. This is done with reference to the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions’ 2012 statement in support of a bi‐national state and the ensuing critiques it attracted from Palestinian supporters of the one‐state position. Drawing on these debates which have largely revolved around Jewish Israeli rights to political self‐determination in Palestine‐Israel, this paper proposes that alternative versions of self‐determination as cultural rights for the established Hebrew‐speaking national community represent a more inclusive form of self‐determination in the eventuality of decolonisation.  相似文献   
80.
Summary

Scholars of international relations generally invoke Hobbes as the quintessential theorist of international anarchy. David Armitage challenges this characterisation, arguing that Hobbes is regarded as a foundational figure in international relations theory in spite of as much as because of what he wrote on the subject. Thus, for Armitage, Hobbes is not the theorist of anarchy that he is made out to be. This article agrees with the general thrust of Armitage's critique while maintaining that it is still possible to imagine Hobbes as a theorist of anarchy. Hobbes is a theorist of anarchy, not in a political sense, but in a metaphysical sense. This conception of anarchy is a reflection of a comprehensive theological account of reality that is grounded in an omnipotent God. Any historical inquiry into the foundations of modern international thought must take account of theology, because theology defines the ultimate coordinates of reality in terms of which the concepts of international thought are intelligible.  相似文献   
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