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41.
While recent research on temporary clusters and temporary markets has emphasized the knowledge generation processes associated with trade fairs, little is known about the knowledge exchanges that are embedded in market relations at these events. This paper uses the case of the Canton Fair in Guangzhou, the largest trade fair in China, to illustrate that such events do not operate as a single market, but that they generate multiple dynamic market configurations, which entail different flows of knowledge, goods and people. In a typical case study, four types of market configurations are identified that simultaneously develop at this event. The findings contribute to a more comprehensive understanding of the dynamics of market relations, knowledge and transactions in temporary spatial settings. 相似文献
42.
David P. Walton 《Journal of Field Archaeology》2017,42(2):97-114
Late Postclassic period (a.d. 1350–1525) Tarascan economic activities often included higher degrees of political involvement and territorial control compared with other ancient Mesoamerican societies. Here I examine Tarascan obsidian economies through an analysis of lithic production and consumption patterns from structures excavated on and near the Great Platform at the imperial capital of Tzintzuntzan. Four spatially distinct patterns are evident. Great Platform residents used high-quality obsidian blades as ceremonial items or burial offerings and scrapers for craft production. Lower elite residents of Structure F, outside the Great Platform, produced their own blade tools and consumed a higher percentage of green obsidian than residents of the Great Platform. Excavations at Yacata 3 recovered bifacial arrowheads and obsidian bloodletters associated with disturbed offerings. The spatial distributions of lapidary preforms and highly polished fragments combined with accounts from the Relación de Michoacán (a.d. 1541) suggest that lower elites produced obsidian jewelry near the Great Platform. 相似文献
43.
Chad B. Denton 《War & society》2014,33(2):98-130
This article traces the implementation, execution, and results of the French Ministry of Armaments’ scrap iron collection drive from September 1939 to June 1940. This collection drive was a belated effort to mobilize patriotic sentiment and raw materials for France’s war effort. By the late 1930s, the French government realized that it did not have — and, more importantly, would not be able to acquire — enough metal to meet ambitious armament plans. In September 1939, Raoul Dautry, the Minister of Armaments, began moving toward a controlled economy by setting up central distribution organizations, preventing the movement of stocks, and organizing the national scrap drive, modelled, in part, on Germany. Despite a rural distrust of the state and cases of individuals hoarding metal, most people responded to the call. Yet logistical difficulties in finances, manpower, and transportation hampered efforts. By May 1940, half of the 85,000 tons collected remained piled on the platforms of railway stations. With the invasion, the Germans immediately confiscated this metal. With the defeat of France, this failed drive came to symbolize France’s defeat and humiliation, as well as the impotence of the Third Republic. 相似文献
44.
"一线两带"建设与关中城镇群的双向促进机制研究 总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4
如何提高关中城镇群竞争能力及区域经济发展活力.在分析“一线两带”建设和关中城镇群发展的现状后认为,高新技术产业和星火产业具有不同的产业形态,是从工业和农业两个层面实现关中区域经济一体化的重要支撑和发展动力.对于关中地区不同发展层面的城镇,宜采用不同的产业经济政策,促进关中城镇向组团式城镇群发展,为关中地区产业集群的发展和新的产业经济体系提供良好的发展平台.研究结论认为,要实现关中区域经济一体化,必须实现二元经济和二元社会的融合,需要建立产业协调机制、城市协调机制,构建区域内功能性组团式城市群,促进关中城乡经济一体化.“一线两带”建设与关中组团式城镇群建设,宜从产业集群和城镇两个层面进行整合,提升关中城市和经济社会的整体竞争能力. 相似文献
45.
银元主币流通与上海洋厘行市的更替 总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2
墨西哥鹰洋成为近代中国流通最广的银元主币,历时长达60余年之久。1914年后开铸的袁世凯像新币,逐渐取代鹰洋成为流通中的主币。上海钱业公所和其后的上海钱业公会深谙流通中主币的消长变化态势,审时度势,先后于1915年和1919年取消龙洋和鹰洋行市。鹰洋行市的取消进一步促使国币通行成为主币,使货币兑换市场逐步走向统一,降低社会交易成本;同时也为废两改元准备了条件,促进了近代货币统一化进程。 相似文献
46.
明清时期,松江府是全国的棉纺织业中心。从劳动生产率、劳动时间和劳动力数量等角度考察,明代晚期,松江府棉布产量最多为1575万匹,外销量最多为1305万匹;清代中叶产量最多为3000万匹,外销量在2600万匹左右。明代“松江棉布,衣被天下”,只是市场有效需求不足的结果。清代松江棉布销售区域大大压缩,并不是市场竞争的结果,而是基于其生产能力、运输成本以及与外地经济联系的结果。 相似文献
47.
48.
陈独秀晚年对前苏联的政治体制进行过冷峻的思考.他的结论是:斯大林的个人独裁,斯大林对民主的粗暴践踏,根本原因不在于他"个人心术特别坏",而在于政体存在严重弊端--最高统治者手中的权力缺乏起码的制约;是独裁制造就了独裁者,而绝非相反.陈独秀晚年对社会主义民主的思考,是独到的,具有前瞻性的.他明确地告诫人们:社会主义革命后建立的"民主政权",离真正的民主自由制度还差十万八千里;不吸收、借鉴资本主义时代的政治文明机制,不搭建权力分立、监督、制衡框架,不真正确立和完善民主选举、民主决策、言论自由等等具体的制度和程序,社会主义民主必然有其名而无其实,个人集权专断的悲剧便难免重演!陈独秀晚年的这些思考和见解,不仅在20世纪已经得到了验证,在刚刚迈入门槛的21世纪,依然具有现实的启示意义. 相似文献
49.
房地产泡沫和金融安全之间的相互关系既是政府宏观管理必须密切关注的问题,也是学术界长期探索的重大课题。本文以20世纪80至90年代的日本泡沫经济为对象,全面分析了日本以地价泡沫为特征的泡沫经济状况以及日本房地产泡沫对日本金融安全伤害的情况。在此基础上,从制度变迁、宏观经济政策的变化以及预期和经济主体行为变异等方面,考察了日本房地产泡沫和金融安全之间的相互关系,重点分析了两者之间的传递机制。 相似文献
50.
The differences between China and Western countries in human and physical environment has brought about two distinctive models
of state. In the Chinese-style state of quasi-consanguinity, in which family and state have a similar structure, imperial
power, gentry power, and clan power are the product of common ownership of consanguineous groups. The similarity in the structures
of these three kinds of power derives from the fact that they are all restricted by the power of lineage generated from the
self-sufficient small farmer economy, and must obey the conventions of ancestors which hold the benefits of the group as supreme.
The relationship between these three kinds of power, is definitely not the one that is based on the division of power that
is founded on individual private ownership in Western countries, where ‘public power’ and ‘individual private ownership’ are
antithetic, but are three aspects of the patriarchal dictatorship that complement each other. Therefore, village rule in China
and autonomy in the West are two totally different concepts, and gentry power is also not the ‘authorized power’ from the
state.
__________
Translated from the Journal of Tianjin Normal University, 2004: 1 相似文献