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91.
Avner Molcho 《Journal of Israeli History》2013,32(1):25-45
As in most areas of Israeli historiography, studies in the history of the educational system rely mostly on sources concerning the leaders of the system, and above all, the political arena. However, quite surprisingly, the Israeli government had almost no part in the formation of the secondary education system. With no legal or budgetary sanctions, the Ministry of Education had no authority over the multitude of institutions. High schools were founded according to the parents’ demand for education, and maintained by their tuition fees, without any governmental intervention. Thus, any historical account of the system and its ramifications should take into consideration that it was shaped not by politics and ideology, but by an “Invisible Hand.” 相似文献
92.
The city has been ubiquitous in cultural analysis of the Victorian period and continues to provide the impetus for some of the most exciting and innovative work in nineteenth-century studies across a range of disciplines. While showing how new work is building on earlier studies and theoretical models, this Introduction demonstrates the emergence of a new agenda characterized by three fresh emphases: on demographic mobility, on material culture and everyday life, and on social networks. Accordingly, the essays in this collection have identified new sources: archaeological excavations of household objects, unpublished diaries, tracts and archival records of late-nineteenth-century missions, articles published in the periodical press and cartographic material, as well as literary texts. All of the essays in this collection concentrate on London, but London now is construed as a meeting point or intersection in a web of national and international relations. The city is newly conceptualized as a hub in wider networks of exchange and communication, and the critical attention moves between the local and its relationship to the transnational. There is a fresh attention to scale, as the minutiae of everyday life reveal stories of much larger significance. 相似文献
93.
94.
NANCY HANSEN CHRIS PHILO 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》2007,98(4):493-506
This paper reflects upon treatments of the body in both disability studies and disability geography, taking seriously the impaired body in its immediate materiality: in its flesh‐and‐boneness, in how it deals with everyday practices in everyday places, as this embodiment is ‘voiced’ by disabled people themselves. The paper discusses Hansen's in‐depth research with a sample of disabled women living in Scotland and Canada, teasing out their experiences of coping with impaired bodies in non‐disabled spaces. Particular attention is given to their own bodily practices, complete with ‘timings and spacings’ that may depart from what is supposedly normal for non‐disabled people. It is also shown how these women resist ableist accommodations that entail both modifying external spaces and ‘correcting’ bodily differences. The paper concludes by identifying a key but neglected step within the ‘politics’ of better accommodating disabled people: namely, shifting the emphasis from (aiding disabled people in) doing things ‘normally’ to (underlining for all of ‘us’) simply the normality of doing things differently. 相似文献
95.
Glenn Petersen 《Archaeology in Oceania》2006,41(2):82-92
Micronesia was initially settled from at least three quite separate points of origin and comprises multiple cultural and linguistic stocks. It nevertheless manifests a striking uniformity in its sociopolitical organization. I argue that these shared aspects of Micronesian societies diffused out of the Eastern Caroline Islands as a consequence of a prehistoric sociocultural efflorescence driven at least in part by the hybridization of two entirely different breadfruit species. The characteristic form of Micronesia's dispersed conical clans was spread throughout the entire region, carried along with the economic successes conferred by productive new breadfruit varieties. Botanical, linguistic, archaeological and ethnological data are marshaled to substantiate this argument. 相似文献
96.
EDDO COIACETTO 《Geographical Research》2007,45(4):340-347
Socio‐spatial differentiation or the spatial arrangement of social groups in cities has long been the subject of scholarly attention in urban studies from a variety of perspectives. In many contemporary societies, the development industry plays an important and growing role in socio‐spatial differentiation. This paper presents a conceptual model for the empirical analysis of the role of this industry in shaping urban social space. 相似文献
97.
PAUL CLAVAL 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》2006,97(3):209-221
Political geography and geopolitics were built on the same basic postulate as political sciences and the theory of international relations: the nation‐state was the relevant scale for all types of analysis. This postulate was a reasonable one at the time of the Treaties of Westphalia. This type of polity triumphed on the international scene at the time when Hobbes wrote the Leviathan. The basis of the social contract implicit in the perspective was simple: in order to achieve personal security, everybody gave up the parcel of freedom (and the associated use of violence) he was naturally endowed with, and delegated it to the Leviathan, the State. The only field where competition between human beings was legitimate at the most elementary level was that of economy. The evolution of the international scene does not only result from the evolution of weaponry or communication and transport technologies. For many persons today, renouncing any parcel of their individual freedom appears as a mutilation of their egos. There was a general agreement in the past on the scale where the analysis of political action had to be developed: it has disappeared. For a growing part of modern societies, inter‐individual or local competition may take a political form and rely on the use of violence at all the levels, including the micro‐scale. It means that political geography and geopolitics have increasingly to allow for the variety of scales of political action and the changing relations between the competition for power, wealth and status which are present in every society. 相似文献
98.
MARK HOLMSTR
M 《Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie = Journal of economic and social geography = Revue de géographie économique et humaine = Zeitschrift für ?konomische und soziale Geographie = Revista de geografía económica y social》2006,97(5):491-502
How can clusters of small and medium enterprises meet global competition? The point is not just to create jobs, but good work (decent conditions, autonomy, and opportunities to improve skills and build a career). Impiva, a Valencian regional government agency, has set up technological institutes for established industries, and local business innovation centres to back new projects, following the examples of Emilia Romagna (Italy), Baden‐Württemberg (Germany) and Denmark, though Spain lacks the levels of trust between entrepreneurs found in those regions. The Institute for toys (AIJU) is in Ibi, a town which makes most Spanish toys but must diversify because of Chinese competition; so AIJU has become an all‐purpose local development agency, like Baden‐Württemberg's technology transfer centres. The Baden‐Württemberg model – catering for established industries and diversification – can be adapted to local conditions. Places like Ibi can provide good work, if local firms keep some control over design, innovation and problem‐solving. 相似文献
99.
Michael Haldrup Lasse Koefoed Kirsten Simonsen 《Geografiska annaler. Series B, Human geography》2006,88(2):173-184
In the light of the increasing questioning of multi‐culturalism in popular debate, the focus of this paper is the ways in which cultural/national identities are constituted and renegotiated in everyday, banal bodily practices. Denmark is the case, but the processes experienced in this context are seen as part of a broader European development. We first discuss recent changes in the political semiotics of Europe in which former East/West boundaries are blurred and new ones constructed and renegotiated in many scales. Many studies, we argue, do in this context underestimate the degree to which this process is going on in banal, bodily and sensuous practices. An entrance to this discussion is to follow the idea of ‘banal nationalism’, but we want, by way of examples from the Danish case, to suggest that what we are dealing with is a practical orientalism, articulated through processes of ‘othering‘ developed in the concrete bodily encounters in everyday life. 相似文献
100.
Gissur Ó. Erlingsson 《Scandinavian journal of history》2013,38(2):195-214
A remarkable reform in modern Swedish political history was the transformation of the local government structure between 1952 and 1974. In a mere 22 years, the number of municipalities was reduced from 2,498 to 277. This study aims to answer how such large-scale reforms could come about politically, particularly since much of the literature on institutions and political reform asserts that carrying out large-scale political change should be a difficult task. Two opposing stories of institutional change are presented: evolutionary accounts, which see the amalgamations as rational adaptations to changing circumstances, are contrasted with a social conflict perspective, which explains amalgamations in terms of their distributional consequences. By investigating the processes leading up to this vast restructuring of Swedish local political geography, we demonstrate that an understanding of these reforms as rational adaptations to changing circumstances, made on the basis of consensus among leading political actors, is not accurate. The reforms were not as uncontroversial and non-conflictual as they often have been portrayed. Our results weaken the evolutionary approach to institutional change, whilst supporting the social conflict perspective. 相似文献