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21.
Lorenzo Biondi 《Journal of Modern Italian Studies》2016,21(3):426-444
This article analyzes the history of the Lega democratica, a group of Catholic intellectuals active between 1975 and 1987, and its impact on Catholic debates in Italy’s Second Republic. Despite its small membership, the group’s heritage influenced Italy’s post-1994 center-left and shaped its leadership. Such relevance is explained by describing the Lega democratica’s legacy on four issues. First, on Catholic pluralism: the group was central to a decade-long failed attempt to reconcile different souls of the Italian Catholic laity, which anticipated the end of the Christian Democratic party. Second, after Aldo Moro’s murder the Lega democratica theorized the impossibility of a ‘historic compromise’ between Communists and Christian Democrats: such a development framed their post-1994 attitude. Third, the group’s history reveals a growing generational split on how to achieve political reform (mediation vs. rupture). Finally, the emerging idea of a ‘primacy of civil society’ in the political sphere partly defined the Ulivo coalition’s ideology. 相似文献
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This editors’ introduction opens a special issue of the Journal of Modern Italian Studies on the topic of ‘Mapping Contemporary Catholic Politics in Italy’. It briefly identifies the political, sociological and ideational changes that have occurred in Catholic politics since the collapse of the Democrazia Cristiana party, and introduces the contributions to the special issue, highlighting the common threads and the important divergences in their analyses. 相似文献
23.
Richard P. Tison II 《American Nineteenth Century History》2016,17(3):247-272
Nineteenth-century Protestant intellectuals broke from their Calvinist heritage by incorporating Arminian rationalism and conceding ultimate authority to science in the sphere of God’s natural revelation. Because of this commitment to science as an independent referee, both theologians and naturalists adopted the strategy of harmonizing biblical interpretation with empirical evidence, thereby allowing science to determine the meaning of Genesis 1. In the never-ending process of religious accommodation to science, the evangelical professoriate became imbued with an increasing naturalistic orientation – so much so that they actively assisted in the growth of scientific naturalism as the methodological norm and final criterion of all scientific inquiry. 相似文献
24.
King-Ho Leung 《Political Theology》2013,14(6):457-471
ABSTRACTThis article offers a critical interpretation of Artificial Intelligence (AI) as a philosophical notion which exemplifies a secular conception of thinking. One way in which AI notably differs from the conventional understanding of “thinking” is that, according to AI, “intelligence” or “thinking” does not necessarily require “life” as a precondition: that it is possible to have “thinking without life.” Building on Charles Taylor’s critical account of secularity as well as Hubert Dreyfus’ influential critique of AI, this article offers a theological analysis of AI’s “lifeless” picture of thinking in relation to the Augustinian conception of God as “Life itself.” Following this critical theological analysis, this article argues that AI’s notion of thinking promotes a societal privilege of certain rationalistic or calculative ways of thought over more existential or spiritual ways of thinking, and thereby fosters a secularization or de-spiritualization of thinking as an ethical human practice. 相似文献
25.
《Political Theology》2013,14(6):721-726
AbstractIn this essay the author reflects on Miroslav Volf’s discussion, in A Public Faith, of Christianity as properly a prophetic religion. The author focuses especially on the two main malfunctions that Volf cites as accounting for the fact that the faith of individual Christians is often not prophetic, namely, what he calls “idleness of faith” and what he calls “coerciveness of faith.” 相似文献
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Lars Cornelissen 《Political Theology》2017,18(8):660-676
In this article I argue that the concept of spontaneous order that underlies F. A. Hayek's political-economic thought is a secularized version of classical liberalism's understanding of order as providential. In Adam Ferguson's writings on history and social order, from which Hayek draws the notion of spontaneous order, the classical liberal paradigm reveals its intimate connection to providential theology. It is in three features of Ferguson's thought, namely his understanding of order, the politics of laissez-faire he dictates, and his providential optimism, that a providential theology reveals itself. Hayek's restatement of liberalism involves the secularization of this notion of order, which forces him both to ground his thought in a different ontology and to formulate a different politics. By contrasting Hayek's political economy to Ferguson's thought I trace the implications of this secularization. In the conclusion I contend that despite his secularizing gesture, Hayek does not succeed at emptying his understanding of order of all theological traces. Consequently, his notion of “spontaneous order” still carries a distinct theological charge, making it impossible for Hayekian political economy to countenance the destruction wrought by markets. 相似文献
28.
Ole Jakob Løland 《Political Theology》2017,18(7):628-642
The article identifies roles and conditions for the Bible within modern politics in the West. By comparing the official Norwegian response to the terror attack in Oslo July 22, 2011, with the similar response in the US on September 11, 2001, it is explained why the Bible is nearly absent in the official discourse of Norwegian Prime Ministers. While religion resurfaced in the process of national recuperation with the Cathedral of Oslo as a center for mass ritualization and national grief, the biblical legacy played no part in the Prime Minister's speech. The primary political leader of the Norwegian state has rarely bolstered his argument with the Bible, although this state has officially adhered to a Protestant confession from its Constitution in 1814. The Liberal Bible that appears to be operative in US presidential discourse is not playing a major role on a comparable political level in Norway. 相似文献
29.
Secularization,sacralization and the reproduction of sacred space: exploring the industrial use of ancestral temples in rural Wenzhou,China 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Ningning Chen 《Social & Cultural Geography》2017,18(4):530-552
This paper offers a nuanced understanding of different social groups’ roles in the reproduction of sacred spaces. Drawing on the analysis of the transformation of sacred ancestral temples into private factories in rural Wenzhou, China, it problematizes the underlying division of ‘sacred’ and ‘secular’ actors and their opposite roles. It shows how lineage groups and factory owners, in spite of their distinctive social identities, work together and facilitate the secularization and sacralization of temple landscapes. On the one hand, both groups of people deploy discursive strategies and re-interpret the significance of ancestral temples and economic production, thereby rationalizing and prompting the conversion of temple spaces. On the other hand, traditional sacred temples are constantly reproduced through lineages’ ritual performances and factory owners’ worship and daily protection. As such, the roles of lineage communities and factory owners are diverse and change in specific contexts. This paper foregrounds the multiple and flexible agency of different social actors in relation to the production of the complex sacred–secular entanglement, and reflects on the changing traditional cultural landscape in rural China. 相似文献
30.
Juan Pablo Domínguez 《History of European Ideas》2017,43(4):273-287
ABSTRACTThis article is an introduction to a special issue on ‘Religious Toleration in the Age of Enlightenment’. It begins by characterizing the Enlightenment's attitude towards religion as an opposition to bigotry and ecclesiastic authority based on a particular interpretation of the European Wars of Religion. Then it acknowledges the problematic nature of the phrase ‘Age of Enlightenment’, which seems to push some of the most relevant eighteenth-century realities to the margins of history. Next, it challenges some common scholarly assumptions regarding Enlightenment ideas on tolerance. In particular, it disputes that these ideas were essentially principled, secular, pluralist and liberal. By way of conclusion, this introductory article suggests that the Enlightenment's main contribution to the history of toleration is found not in the originality or subtlety of its ideas, but rather in the promotion of a new mentality according to which toleration came to be regarded as an essential feature of modern civilization. 相似文献