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901.
ABSTRACTSince 2011, the McMaster Children and Youth University has offered free monthly lectures on the campus of McMaster University. Though aimed at children and youth aged seven to fourteen, there are no formal age restrictions and events regularly see attendance by young people beyond both thresholds of this age range. A central aim and guiding principle of the program has been to promote and support participants’ discovery of themselves as acting subjects in knowledge practices, including the production of new knowledge. Placing our model of the children’s university in comparative perspective with programs in Europe and Hawaii that share important aspects of this vision, we elaborate the bases of an ethos of collegial co-discovery urging young participants to question, discover, and create. The university setting presents particular challenges that call for careful attention to conventional practices and commitments and the sorts of relationships they variously enable or foreclose. Taking young people seriously as bona fide bearers and producers of knowledge relies to a significant extent on our ability to embrace a strengths-based view of childhood and to confront relations of power predisposed toward authorizing some voices to the exclusion of others. 相似文献
902.
人防部门肩负着城市人民防空的历史使命,其职责具有特殊性。因此,人防系统有相对独立的财务会计制度和人防预算制度。新时期,建立和完善人防预算制度,对于推进人防事业又好又快发展意义重大。 相似文献
903.
Petro Kuzyk 《Eurasian Geography and Economics》2019,60(6):709-735
ABSTRACTThis article addresses the question of Ukraine’s societal polarization along the East-West line and the state of cohesion and endurance of its political community. In both political and academic discourses, Ukraine is often characterized as a country split between Western and Eastern regional and societal parts belonging to some wider geopolitical and cultural entities. Moreover, the recent upheavals in the life of the country – Euromaidan Revolution, illegal annexation of Crimea and Russian-Ukrainian war in Donbas – have actualized the allegations about Ukraine as a feeble state structure on the brink of disintegration and collapse. The findings in this study challenge both of these claims and it is argued that Ukraine is not a deeply divided or failed state. In practice, the East-West political polarization line is not clearly defined, but to the extent that it does surface in the political and electoral contests, this line has been moving from west to east since the early 1990s. The shifting of the polarization line implies that political and cultural identities in Ukraine are not fixed and, at the same time, reflects a strengthening cohesion of Ukraine’s political and cultural space. These findings are confirmed by the improved and ever-increasing convergence of Ukrainian society following the Euromaidan and Russian military aggression. 相似文献