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71.
也谈"真二千石"   总被引:4,自引:0,他引:4  
阎步克 《史学月刊》2003,(12):15-21
从汉代禄秩的二千石一级中,分化出了中二千石、真二千石、比二千石等等秩级。“真二千石”具有双重含义,一方面它构成了有异于二千石的一个秩级,同时称“真”又有与“守”相区别的意义,这时的“真二千石”是二千石的正秩。  相似文献   
72.
基于协同学原理与方法,构建序参量评价指标体系、协同度模型和障碍度模型,研究郑州航空港经济综合实验区与河南省、18地市的经济协同发展的时空格局、演变特征与障碍因素。研究结果表明:①实验区、河南省整体、各地市的经济发展有序度都在不断提高,且目前保持着较高水平。②有序度、协同度均存在着较显著的时空差异,高值区相对集中在河南省的陇海铁路沿线地市与西南部的地市。③有序度、协同度时空演化存在着由小到大、由少到多、由分散到集中等规律。④研究期内影响协同发展的障碍因素中,实验区的障碍因素从航空运输因素转变为资本投入和经济开放性因素,河南省的障碍因素则由经济外向因素和产业结构因素取代了经济规模性因素,而对外开放性不够以及产业结构层次较低则一直是阻碍18地市与实验区协同发展的最主要障碍因素。  相似文献   
73.
ABSTRACT

This paper tries to demonstrate that some of the historiographical insights on the transformation of the international system in the 1970s can be particularly useful for our understanding of the efforts to craft a global nuclear regime during that decade. It first discusses some of the key results of this historiography and then it looks at some of their possible implications for the more specific field of research of nuclear history.  相似文献   
74.
ABSTRACT

The 1970s is often argued to be the era marking the beginning of the overall transformation of the international system and the nuclear order, following the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT) entering into force in 1970. South Africa challenged this nuclear order from the outset. In addition to regarding the NPT as inherently discriminatory and hypocritical in allowing a difference between nuclear weapon ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots’, the South African apartheid regime felt threatened by Soviet expansionism into Southern Africa. Facing international condemnation and isolation due to its repressive domestic politics of racial segregation, and gripped in a war against Soviet- and Cuban-backed forces in Angola, the apartheid regime was quick to move from a decision to build one peaceful nuclear explosive device in 1974, to a formal decision in 1978 to design and develop a secret strategic nuclear deterrent. Using knowledge and skills acquired during a period of techno-nationalism and Western collaboration during the 1960s, South Africa was able to cross this threshold in a relatively short space of time, thereby signaling a clear departure from the nuclear non-proliferation regime that the five nuclear powers of the NPT were trying to establish.  相似文献   
75.
The dawn of the twenty-first century witnessed a new wave of multilateral initiatives in the Asia-Pacific. By integrating institutional balancing theory and role theory, the author proposes a new theoretical framework—‘balance of roles’—to explain the variations in institutional strategies by different states. It is argued that a state’s role conception will shape its institutional balancing strategies in an order transition period. An order defender, like the USA, is more likely to adopt exclusive institutional balancing to exclude its target from its dominated institutions. An order challenger, such as China, will choose both inclusive and exclusive institutional balancing to maximise its own power and legitimacy in a new international order. As a kingmaker, a proactive second-tier state is more likely to pick an inter-institutional balancing strategy to initiate new institutions for competing for influence with existing institutions. An institutionalised order transition might be more peaceful than widely perceived.  相似文献   
76.
宋靖 《史学月刊》2007,(11):46-52
封还词头这一封驳方式发端于唐代,形成于北宋仁宗朝,主要由中书舍人职掌。北宋的封驳制度发展为以中书舍人封还词头为主、给事中封驳为辅的模式,是三省制转变为一省制过程中封驳制度的必然转变。中书舍人封还词头,对于修正人事决策有着十分积极的意义,相较于单一的给事中封驳,无疑也是制度上的进步。但对于封还词头的作用仍不可高估,因为这一行政程序并不能从根本上左右决策。  相似文献   
77.
In this short article, the authors analyse the implications of the election of Donald Trump for the future of the liberal rules-based order, with specific emphasis on its implications for the Asian region. Departing from the institutional fetishism that figures prominently in the literature, the authors argue that this liberal order needs to be conceptualised in terms of its social foundations. Particularly important to consider, in terms of understanding these social foundations, is the nature of social relations in the USA. The election of Trump reflects the deep crisis of the US state and the rise of a new ‘authoritarian populism’. The authors trace the roots of this authoritarian populism to patterns of global capitalist transformation, the crisis of the US state and the modes of crisis management that this has generated. They then explore the implications of Trump’s authoritarian populism for the region.  相似文献   
78.
President Obama announced a major executive action on immigration policy on November 20, 2014, which will protect up to 5 million undocumented immigrants from deportation. Obama's executive order, however, outraged Republicans in Congress, who argue that the president does not have the authority to delay deportations in such magnitude. On December 3, 2014, a coalition of 17 U.S. states led by Texas Governor-elect Greg Abbott sued the Obama administration to stop it from protecting undocumented immigrants from deportation. The purpose of this paper is to respond to the current political (d)evolvement with a new theological appropriation of the biblical concept of “jubilee.” I argue in this paper that Christian churches and communities should adopt a new theopolitical paradigm modeled after jubilee in engaging the political process to promote justice and peace for many undocumented people. The strength of this new model lies in its theological emphasis on the Christian ideal of forgiveness, and a key theological insight we can draw on from the concept of jubilee is that no humans should be kept under permanent indebted, enslaved, or illegal status.  相似文献   
79.
福尔克的世界秩序研究并非是纯学术性质的研究活动,而是完全为20世纪后半期美国对外政策宣传服务的。他所极力宣扬的“人道治理”思想就是为了否定主权国家和现存国际秩序,倡导以西方价值观念为基础并由西方国家主导的世界秩序,从主要内容到实现途径都无不反映出浓厚的理想主义色彩。  相似文献   
80.
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