基于地方秩序嵌套的人类活动研究

活动的地方秩序嵌套"这一概念源于瑞典时间地理学者哈格斯特朗对人类活动复杂性及其背后蕴含的社会规则的思考,强调人类活动与其发生所需的时空资源配置之间的关系,隐含人类行为背后所需的各种资源在时间上的排列和空间上的组合规律。本文系统解读了"(活动的)地方秩序嵌套"的概念内涵、形成与符号表达,借助已有研究案例梳理不同地理空间尺度下地方秩序及其嵌套过程,以及目前这一领域的最新研究进展,在此基础上尝试提出这一概念在中国城市空间行为与规划中的研究与应用方向。     

The “Chinese World Order” Encounters the “East Asian World Order”— Post-War Japanese Historians’ Debates on the Tribute System

In this paper, I trace the post-war Japanese genealogy of studies on China’s tribute system (imperial China’s relatively tolerant approach to its foreign relations) in relation to the English-language work of historian John King Fairbank (1907–91). I emphasize that, together with the sporadic Chinese studies into China’s tribute system prior to the 1950s, it was the post-war research of Japanese historians that inspired Fairbank, who, in turn, further stimulated critical debates on the topic in Japan. I first concentrate on post-war Japanese debates concerning an “East Asian world order” based on a “system of investiture/tribute.” This notion, developed by the Japanese historian Nishijima Sadao in 1962, precisely corresponds to Fairbank’s 1941 understanding of the “tribute system” or “Confucian world-order,” but contrasts with Fairbank’s later, controversial understanding of a “Chinese world order” as proposed in 1968. In the second part of this paper, I introduce Japanese historian Hamashita Takeshi’s 1980s and 1990s arguments on the “tribute trade system” as representative of the younger generation within this genealogy, contrasting it with the work of Immanuel Wallerstein and Andre Gunder Frank. In the third part, I locate this Japanese genealogy within the wider historical context of post-war Japanese intellectual cultural politics. This means that I examine Japanese historians’ arguments both from the angle of historiography and from the perspective of post-war Japanese intellectual history.     

Costume,Ceremonial, and the East Asian Order: What the Annamese King Wore When Congratulating the Emperor Qianlong in Jehol in 1790

Emperor Qianlong of the Qing dynasty celebrated his eightieth birthday in 1790, for which Vietnam, Korea, the Ryūkyū Islands, Burma, and Mongolia sent delegates to the imperial summer resort at Chengde 承德 to pay homage. Curiously, the Annamese (or, Vietnamese) king NguyễnQuangBình (阮 光平), who had just defeated the Qing army, offered to appear in Qing costume and kowtow to the Qing emperor. The unusual act pleased Emperor Qianlong and infuriated the Korean delegates. What did costume and ceremonial mean in the context of the East Asian political and cultural order? Why did the British embassy to China led by Lord Macartney three years later cause friction with regards to sartorial and ceremonial manners? This lecture will address these questions.     

The placing of matter: industrial water pollution and the construction of social order in nineteenth-century France

Set within a Douglasian framework, this paper explores the genesis and the social significance of the concept of environmental ‘pollution’ in late nineteenth-century France by drawing on printed scientific and medical sources and analysing archival material from administrations and industrial companies. ‘Pollution’ brought together various strands of water research (especially water analysis, bacteriology and hydrology) but also served as the foundation of a discourse on industrial responsibility. It was a response to the new material circulations created by industrial discharges in river. Paradoxically, it condoned industrial discharges in watercourses, which the hygienist community deemed less dangerous than domestic wastewaters. The co-production of pollution science and nineteenth-century industrial order explains why industrial water pollution was allowed to go unabated. The incapacity of the legal framework of the time to accommodate polluting discharges as legal objects and find legitimate places for them, the power politics at work around pollution and scientific controversies themselves made discharges very difficult to challenge in court. Accordingly, water pollution was regulated informally and industrialists were able to claim rivers as legitimate places for industrial matter against challenges brought up by other social actors.     

The Making of the Nuclear Order and the Historiography on the 1970s

ABSTRACT

This paper tries to demonstrate that some of the historiographical insights on the transformation of the international system in the 1970s can be particularly useful for our understanding of the efforts to craft a global nuclear regime during that decade. It first discusses some of the key results of this historiography and then it looks at some of their possible implications for the more specific field of research of nuclear history.     

South African Nuclear Development in the 1970s: A Non-Proliferation Conundrum?

ABSTRACT

The 1970s is often argued to be the era marking the beginning of the overall transformation of the international system and the nuclear order, following the Nuclear Non-proliferation Treaty (NPT) entering into force in 1970. South Africa challenged this nuclear order from the outset. In addition to regarding the NPT as inherently discriminatory and hypocritical in allowing a difference between nuclear weapon ‘haves’ and ‘have-nots’, the South African apartheid regime felt threatened by Soviet expansionism into Southern Africa. Facing international condemnation and isolation due to its repressive domestic politics of racial segregation, and gripped in a war against Soviet- and Cuban-backed forces in Angola, the apartheid regime was quick to move from a decision to build one peaceful nuclear explosive device in 1974, to a formal decision in 1978 to design and develop a secret strategic nuclear deterrent. Using knowledge and skills acquired during a period of techno-nationalism and Western collaboration during the 1960s, South Africa was able to cross this threshold in a relatively short space of time, thereby signaling a clear departure from the nuclear non-proliferation regime that the five nuclear powers of the NPT were trying to establish.     

Role conceptions,order transition and institutional balancing in the Asia-Pacific: a new theoretical framework

The dawn of the twenty-first century witnessed a new wave of multilateral initiatives in the Asia-Pacific. By integrating institutional balancing theory and role theory, the author proposes a new theoretical framework—‘balance of roles’—to explain the variations in institutional strategies by different states. It is argued that a state’s role conception will shape its institutional balancing strategies in an order transition period. An order defender, like the USA, is more likely to adopt exclusive institutional balancing to exclude its target from its dominated institutions. An order challenger, such as China, will choose both inclusive and exclusive institutional balancing to maximise its own power and legitimacy in a new international order. As a kingmaker, a proactive second-tier state is more likely to pick an inter-institutional balancing strategy to initiate new institutions for competing for influence with existing institutions. An institutionalised order transition might be more peaceful than widely perceived.     

基于协同学的航空港经济区与区域协同发展研究——以郑州航空港经济综合实验区与河南省为例

基于协同学原理与方法,构建序参量评价指标体系、协同度模型和障碍度模型,研究郑州航空港经济综合实验区与河南省、18地市的经济协同发展的时空格局、演变特征与障碍因素。研究结果表明：①实验区、河南省整体、各地市的经济发展有序度都在不断提高,且目前保持着较高水平。②有序度、协同度均存在着较显著的时空差异,高值区相对集中在河南省的陇海铁路沿线地市与西南部的地市。③有序度、协同度时空演化存在着由小到大、由少到多、由分散到集中等规律。④研究期内影响协同发展的障碍因素中,实验区的障碍因素从航空运输因素转变为资本投入和经济开放性因素,河南省的障碍因素则由经济外向因素和产业结构因素取代了经济规模性因素,而对外开放性不够以及产业结构层次较低则一直是阻碍18地市与实验区协同发展的最主要障碍因素。     

Modeling of hydrogen production by serpentinization in ultramafic‐hosted hydrothermal systems: application to the Rainbow field

The production of hydrogen by serpentinization in ultramafic‐hosted hydrothermal systems is simulated by coupling thermodynamic and dynamic modeling in the framework of a thermo‐hydraulic single‐pass model where a high‐temperature hydrothermal fluid moves preferentially through a main canal of high permeability. The alteration of ultramafic rocks is modeled with a first‐order kinetic formulation, wherein the serpentinization rate coefficient, K_r, takes the form: K_r = A exp(?α(T ? T₀)²). In this formulation, α determines the temperature range of the reaction and T₀ is the temperature at which the serpentinization rate reaches its maximum. This model is applied to the Rainbow hydrothermal system, which is situated on the Mid‐Atlantic Ridge, and characterized by a high temperature, a high mass flux, and a very high hydrogen concentration. The results show that a first‐order kinetic law gives a useful representation of the kinetics of serpentinization. The estimated value for the parameter A in the temperature‐dependent formulation of the serpentinization rate coefficient lies in the range (1–5) × 10^?11 s^?1. This effective parameter is several orders of magnitude lower than the values obtained from small grain‐size experiments, but in agreement with other published modeling studies of natural systems. Numerical simulations show that the venting site is able to produce the observed high concentration of hydrogen during the whole continuous lifetime of the Rainbow site.     

Advocating the rules-based order in an era of multipolarity

Faced with eroding United States hegemony and the rise of a more multipolar distribution of global power, Australia has embraced a new foreign policy platform built around advocacy for a ‘rules-based global order’. In this essay I first argue that the emerging characterisation of multipolarity overemphasises the centrality of the United States and overlooks the legacies of Asian colonisation, decolonisation, state-building and local norm development. I then consider the reasons for the embrace of the rules-based global order construct, locating it as an instinctive reaction to issues arising from the South China Sea dispute, the raw use of power, and the inclination to share the ideas of a close ally. I note, however, that linking Australia closely with the United States approach to global rules has drawbacks, given the United States’ explicit attempts to reserve a right to use force outside the UN Charter. I suggest that Australia would be better served by clearly delineating a separation between its military alliance with a United States, a policy for worst-case scenarios, from its support for international law and institutions, which should form the mainstay and leading edge of its foreign policy.