试论张謇政治转型时期的“新思维”

由传统迈向现代的进程与知识精英思维方式的转变关系密切。近代中国,理性思辨既是推动知识精英思维方式转化的核心因素,也是推动政治思想革新、民族新生的重要前提。因为,现代社会与传统农业社会不同,许多问题绝非“吃一堑长一智”旧式思维套路所能处置的。张謇是精英群体中思维方式率先西化的典型代表,他将东西方思维方式结合在一起分析思考中国的现实及将来,形成了对时局的独特看法,主张政治上要渐进与公正,教育上要独立与务实。     

“绿色发展与东亚合作”论坛——东亚秩序视角下的中日关系

本文梳理东亚秩序变迁,以此为线索探求中日关系的演变历程,评估当前中日关系现状,分析其症结所在,并就如何稳定和发展中日关系提出建议。作者认为,中日之间历史问题复杂、现实问题交织,未来相互影响巨大,当前中日关系的调整只是消除或缓和长期政治冲突的部分后果,如何避免两虎相争的困境依旧是摆在两国决策者面前的重大议题。作者建议,以更加长远的眼光和更具战略性的大国风度处理中日关系,思考如何构建中美日三边关系的稳定框架,妥善处理中日关系与东亚未来的关系,把共同利益追求提升到战略层次,将互利共赢作为中国国际战略的核心目标加以推行。     

左宗棠与西北茶务

唐宋以来,西北茶务与财政、军事、国防关系密切,地位十分重要.清代雍正、乾隆以后,兴盛了千余年的茶马贸易走向衰落.受多种因素影响,咸同时期西北茶务更加残破不堪.左宗棠调任陕甘总督后,从巩固边防、筹集军饷的目的出发,大力整顿西北茶务,深刻分析了西北茶务十余年停滞的五个原因,采取了试办茶务的四个办法,在此基础上提出了整顿茶务的三大政策,产生了四大重要影响,最终使西北茶务摆脱了困境,呈现出繁荣发展的可喜局面.     

青海藏族地区信访制度的回顾与展望

信访制度是富有中国特色的纠纷解决机制之一。新中国成立60年来,信访制度的设立对于维护青海藏族地区的社会稳定起了积极的作用。但是在其运行过程中也遇到了一些问题。如何发挥信访制度在党和政府沟通藏族群众方面的历史作用,需要结合当地实际进行一系列制度创新与改革。     

Australian and People's Republic of China government conceptions of the international order

Through qualitative comparative analysis of policy documents and official statements over the last 10 years (2008–2018), this paper examines Australian and PRC government conceptions of the international order and the associated policy implications. Their understandings of the international order are informed by their self-defined national role conceptions and perceptions of other states, and are manifested in discussions of institutional reform, international law and human rights. Australia's self-conception as a middle power informs its emphasis on maintenance and US leadership of the existing order, while the PRC's self-conceptions as both a developing and established power enable it to frame itself as either an upholder or reformer of the order. Both governments highlight the ‘rules-based’ mechanisms of the WTO, and are more likely to agree on trade and economic issues than on other matters. Their responses to the 2016 South China Sea arbitration tribunal decision and discussions of the role of human rights in the international order suggest less agreement is likely on international law and human rights norms. While Australia considers the PRC a potential challenger to the existing order, Australia does not feature in PRC discussions of international order, suggesting its limited ability to affect PRC foreign policy decisions.     

An Asian Drama: The Asian Relations Conference, 1947

The Asian Relations Conference has long served as a historical footnote to the more famous Bandung Conference of 1955. In this paper, however, I argue that this Conference needs to be read and analysed independently. As the opening act of decolonial solidarity, this Conference juxtaposes the moment and the movement of decolonisation, alerting us to the promises and pitfalls of both. In particular one needs to be conscious of its Eurocentric readings which almost always place the ‘Third World’ within the context of the Cold War project and thus are incapable of understanding its historical relevance.     

‘General interests’ as a rationale for the US–Republic of Korea alliance between 1998 and 2008

The US–Republic of Korea (ROK) alliance had significantly developed asset specificities and common social identities attached to it during the cold war period. If institutional features and ideational factors originating from the cold war threat can account for alliance resilience in the post-cold war period, the US–ROK alliance should be a ‘most likely case’ to support those causal links. This article shows that such is not the case. This article, instead, argues that the US–ROK alliance went beyond being an instrument of threat response to becoming a more complicated mechanism for serving ‘general interests’ in relation to North-East Asian regional order maintenance and order-building, which drove the US–ROK alliance between 1998 and 2008.     

Conclusion: Reflections on the Nuclear Order

ABSTRACT

The papers in this special issue examine the nuclear order that began to emerge in the 1970s after the entry into force of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty in 1970 and the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks agreements in 1972. Several general themes are discussed: the international economy and the nuclear order; strengthening the non-proliferation regime; reactions to US non-proliferation policy; the East–West arms race; the nuclear order in 1980; the international system and nuclear order. The argument is made that the changes in the international system in the 1970s had important effects on the nuclear order, creating a North–South axis alongside the existing East–West axis; provoking disagreements and disputes over the transfer of nuclear technology; and giving greater prominence to nuclear power in a period of energy crises. This is still an order of states in which transnational and international NGOs play a secondary role. There were a variety of responses to the new order: acceptance; resentment; attempts at modification; independence; evasion and circumvention. The constitution of the order was a matter of great interest to a good number of states and the focus of many debates and much political conflict.     

Society as a Code: Bentham and the Fabric of Order

The essay argues that Jeremy Bentham played a major role in the transitional process between the eighteenth and the nineteenth centuries leading to the ‘discovery' or ‘invention of society' as an order, i.e., as an autonomous object of knowledge. By comparing Bentham's discourse with those developed by select protagonists of that transition, particularly Ferguson, Sieyès, and Mirabeau, it is shown how society emerges as the logical and historical space of a set of relationships that affects both the rationalisation and the practice of government. In contrast with Michel Foucault's interpretation of Bentham's role in the genealogy of neoliberalism, recently developed by Pierre Dardot and Christian Laval, this paper suggests that ‘the new governmental reason’ rose from within the discourse of law. Consequently, the problem of ‘constitution’ was not left behind by the epistemological change of the eighteenth century, as they argue. Rather, the scientific and political understanding of society as a code became the base for an innovative conception of both law and politics.     

可持续的国际领导权:来自968-1885年中越关系的经验教训

后冷战时代的重大挑战是世界秩序的可持续性 ,这种世界秩序并非建立在大国竞争基础之上 ,西方国际关系理论尚没有做好应对这一挑战的准备。笔者利用长达九个世纪的中国与法国殖民主义前独立的越南双边关系的实例 ,回顾了中国对于可持续的单极领导权的经验。认为这种持续不变的非对称关系不是征服和控制的结果 ,而是一种角色模式的演变。在这个模式中 ,双方都理智地确信其切身利益并没有受到威胁 ,维持这种关系对于双方而言都具有普遍的益处。基于角色的非对称关系既有弱点也有长处 ,虽然它不能被直接应用于现代 ,但它揭示出有关处理非对称国际关系的一般性经验教训。