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31.
赵云 《攀登》2007,26(4):137-138
创设治保中心户长,是进一步健全和完善农村治保会组织工作机制的创新之举,是把农村治安综合治理各项措施落实到最基层的务实之举,是坚持公安专门机关和群众路线相结合`的必由之路。  相似文献   
32.
This piece is an imagined email correspondence between three renowned international relations scholars, E. H. Carr, Hedley Bull and Coral Bell, who are discussing the Australian 2016 Defence White Paper. The purpose of such an exercise is to reflect on the ‘big-picture’ international relations questions posed by what might otherwise be thought of as a relatively technical defence policy document. In particular, the correspondence between the three focuses on the central importance of the White Paper’s assumptions of a ‘rules-based global order’ and the relationship between this order and US power. In their time, all three authors spoke directly to questions of power, law and order in their scholarly work, which had been deeply influenced, in all three cases, by periods spent working at the ‘coalface’ of these issues in government in Britain and Australia. As such, Carr, Bull and Bell have much to say about how Australia is positioning itself for a post-unipolar world.  相似文献   
33.
The mainstream literature on weak status quo states’ diplomacy tends to identify their regional security roles in terms of dealing with non-traditional security issues. This article argues that such a limited approach is not sufficient to explain the current security dynamics in the Asia-Pacific. This article reviews the literature on weak status quo states’ influence on regional order. It then identifies a security environment in which they are more likely to exert some impact on maintaining and building a regional order. After contextualising these discussions in the Asia-Pacific setting, the article examines the experience of South Korea and Singapore as secondary powers in the East Asian region. Although both countries enjoy high levels of security cooperation with the US, both have also been able to exercise a certain amount of influence in advancing their own geostrategic interests amidst the growing Sino-US geostrategic competition. Yet their exploitation of Sino-US geostrategic competition is neither a simple balancing strategy against China nor a simple bandwagoning with the US, since both South Korea and Singapore have been increasing bilateral and multilateral security cooperation with China.  相似文献   
34.
Transnational actors are increasingly surfacing when it comes to understanding the global dimensions of the modern nation-state. Thinking of the modern state from the diversity of its personnel and its many intersections with private and semi-private actors or institutions with a transnational reach, the new diplomatic history acknowledges the embeddedness of states in border-crossing agencies. What has been conceptualized as ‘network diplomacy’ grasps both the role of transnational epistemic communities for the making of particular policy fields and the perception of diplomats as an integral part of transnational initiatives. Taking the League of Nations as a case study, this article analyses how its personnel attempted to spell out ideas of network diplomacy and to make their exposed position at the intersection of transnational civil society, state politics and international institutions work to effect political change. We focus on the transnational career of Arthur Sweetser (1888–1968) who, as a journalist, a long-term member of the League secretariat, the UN staff and the US administration, was at the forefront of developing new techniques of diplomatic practices beyond institutional mandates. Sweetser’s trajectory allows us to illuminate the mechanisms of network diplomacy by probing into multi-layered negotiation processes that engaged state practices, international institutions and the border-crossing agency of individuals. Characterizing him as transnational enables one to interlink his mobile trajectory with a particular scope of action that unfolded beyond the political demarcation of the nation-state and its instituted logics of rule and diplomacy. We further carve out the main features of a diplomatic practice that was formally non-existent yet crucial to the transfer of League principles, practices and personnel to the new United Nations.  相似文献   
35.
Bookshelf     
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36.
从元代开始,沁河下游地区数县之间形成了一种"自下而上"的用水秩序,即最先由下游县灌溉,之后依次而上直至最上游县。各县用水的量以时间来计算,按照最初开渠时各县所提供劳力和财力的多寡来分配。文章认为该用水秩序的产生和发挥作用既是一个社会发展过程,也是灌渠系统的空间拓展过程,具有深刻的社会、地理背景,它是上下游县际之间围绕着水资源分配而产生的社会互动结果,反映着这一地区水利开发史的特点和地域社会的独特个性。  相似文献   
37.
20世纪上半叶,日本企业为了缓和劳资矛盾和强化企业内部秩序,纷纷推行以构建家族主义式的劳资关系、劳资沟通协调制度、企业内部培训制度、企业内福利制度、年功主义工资制等为基本内容的家族主义经营模式。这一新型雇佣制度在一定程度上稳定了劳资关系,提高了企业生产效率。  相似文献   
38.
刘雅静 《攀登》2010,29(6):77-81
近年来,作为无序政治参与表现的群体性事件在我国呈现出频发的趋势,要求我们不断思考公民有序政治参与的制度创新及其有效性问题。文章对群体性事件中公民无序政治参与的基本形式、产生原因进行了客观的分析,从坚持基本原则、健全制度建设、培育公民社会及提升公民能力素质四个方面探讨了促进公民无序政治参与向有序政治参与转变的可行性路径。  相似文献   
39.
Christopher McMichael 《对极》2015,47(5):1261-1278
The term pacification is regularly used in urban scholarship as a euphemism for state violence and social control. However, this term is used loosely and is underexplored as a concept. This paper aims to address this gap by discussing recent critical theory on pacification, which argues that the term captures the combination of war and police power in the replication of capitalist order. This concept will then be applied to a case study of “blitzes”, a practice which became central to urban management in Johannesburg from the late 1990s. Originally, the word was used to refer to aggressive raids led by the police in “trouble” spots, but has since been expanded to include inspections on general services. Understood as pacification, blitzes reflect how the state is constantly engaged in a low‐intensity war against perceived “disorder”, which is intended to control and discipline spaces in South Africa's largest city.  相似文献   
40.
This note seeks to clarify the course of the career of James Maxwell, gentleman usher of the black rod in several earlier Stuart parliaments. Maxwell was a Scot who followed James I south in 1603, serving in his household and that of Charles I, first as a gentleman usher daily waiter, and from 1619 as a groom of the bedchamber. In 1620 he secured the office of black rod. In 1642 he failed to follow the king to Oxford but remained with the parliament at Westminster, although largely delegating his duties as black rod to his associate, Alexander Thayne. In 1647, he was allowed by parliament to attend the king at Holdenby House. He died in 1650 as earl of Dirletoun in Scotland, although the circumstances in which he acquired this title are obscure.  相似文献   
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