富强还是文明--崛起后的中国走向何方

在唱盛中国舆论的背景下,分析当代中国崛起的现状,说明中国今天只是富强的崛起,而不是文明的崛起。中国要从富强到文明,我们缺失的是什么？我们如何从富强向现代文明过渡。     

繁昌窑的兴衰

本文以繁昌柯家冲窑为基点展开论述,揭示繁昌窑被发现、被认知的过程,阐述了繁昌窑与传世名画的关系,繁昌窑与周边同时期窑址烧造(青)白瓷的可比性,以及繁昌窑(青)白瓷发展的三大原因:市场需求、技术迁移、工艺先进。同时讨论了繁昌窑衰落的三大原因:瓷土品质粗劣、战争频繁带来经济滞后、防御水灾的能力较弱。     

Gender and Life Course in the Narratives of Melbourne's High‐rise Housing Developers

Socially constructed ideas about the life course, sometimes encompassing gender relations, have long informed the views of those within the housing development industry about who should be housed where in the city, living what sorts of lives. Drawing on the findings of a recent study of developers’ narratives about the construction of expensive, high‐rise housing in central Melbourne, a relatively new form of dwelling even in this part of the metropolitan area, several themes are found to characterise the taken‐for‐granted ways in which these city‐builders view the gendered life courses of housing consumers. Developers’ narratives oppose the suburban ‘home’ to the high‐rise ‘lifestyle’, consider central city high‐rise residences as appropriate only for people without families, and see women, separately from the couples they make up with men, only as potential victims requiring the security that high‐rise apartment living is said to provide. These narratives reiterate the characteristics of an essentialised ‘empty nester’, or ‘young professional’ housing consumer, who is envisaged to occupy the new housing and is defined according to life course stage and gender. The developers’ partial and narrow accounts of the likely consumers of this high‐rise housing is one factor amongst many that explains the building of precincts of high‐rise housing that have limited facilities for children and for pursuits other than consumption of the individual ‘lifestyle’.     

Richard Oastler,Toryism, Radicalism and the Limitations of Party,c.1807–46

Richard Oastler (1789–1861), the immensely popular and fiery orator who campaigned for factory reform and for the abolition of the new poor law in the 1830s and 1840s, has been relatively neglected by political historians. Few historians, however, have questioned his toryism. As this article suggests, labelling Oastler an ‘ultra‐tory’ or a ‘church and state tory’ obscures more than it reveals. There were also radical strands in Oastler's ideology. There has been a tendency among Oastler's biographers to treat him as unique. By comparing Oastler with other tories – Sadler, Southey, and the young Disraeli – as well as radicals like Cobbett, this article locates him much more securely among his contemporaries. His range of interests were much broader (and more radical) than the historiographical concentration on factory and poor law reform suggests. While there were periods when Oastler's toryism (or radicalism) was more apparent, one of the most consistent aspects of his political career was a distaste for party politics. Far from being unique or a maverick, Oastler personified the pervasive anti‐party sentiments held by the working classes, which for all the historiographical attention paid to popular radicalism and other non‐party movements still tends to get lost in narratives of the ‘rise of party’.     

《宋史》论赞评析

“论赞”是中国古代的一种史论形式。《宋史》论赞是元史臣对宋代历史的一种考察,一种“盖棺论定”,而这种考察和盖棺论定是以统治获得资政启示和进行教化为主要目的,其着眼点集中在一代成败兴亡的教训、总结典章制度的得失和褒贬历史人物的善恶上。《宋史》论赞以儒家思想,特别是理学思想的价值取向为圭臬,但运用司马迁以“通古今之变”的研究方法把握宋代历史兴衰治乱规律,和继承中国历史编纂的“直书实录”的优良传统,是《宋史》论赞的突出特点。     

宋代江夏地区制瓷业的兴衰及其原因探析--以考古资料为中心

宋代是我国古代制瓷业发展的鼎盛时期。在宋代制瓷业发展的历史中,江夏地区名不见经传,相关文献资料缺乏。本文主要依据考古资料,考察了宋代江夏地区制瓷业的发展与特点,并从自然与社会条件方面探讨了该地区制瓷业兴起、繁荣,及走向衰落的原因。     

一位文武兼备的武昌首义豪杰——席正铭及其《冷冷山人集》

席正铭聪颖好学,胸怀大志,在贵阳陆军小学读书时便阅读革命书刊。立志反清。在武昌陆军第三中学期间,组织学生二百多人加入同盟会。武昌起义枪声打响后,他组织600多人的学生军,自任总队长,参加武装战斗。后又追随孙中山,参加反袁斗争;投身护法军政府,受命为黔军总司令。不幸被奸人诱杀。留有诗集一部,是住文武兼备的将军。     

贵阳马士英及其家族之兴衰

明末清初,贵阳马士英家族因马文卿、马明卿兄弟科第蝉联而光耀里闾,亦因南明东阁大学士马士英背负"专权误国"之名而蒙辱于后世。马士英堂兄马士升、其子马銮,在士英当国时拒入官场,保全了马氏家族的名节和裔脉。     

Refining Broad-Scale Vulnerability Assessment of Coastal Archaeological Resources,Lough Foyle,Northern Ireland

Increasing evidence indicates that ongoing and future climate change impacts, such as enhanced coastal erosion driven by intensified storms and sea-level rise, will be destructive or problematic for coastal archaeological heritage. Approaches to this problem range from broad-scale GIS-based vulnerability assessments to site-scale monitoring and survey. In all cases, the approach chosen should be based on the best-available data on the local historic environment and pattern of coastal change. Therefore, this paper will demonstrate how such data can be successively acquired and enhanced using an integrated approach that builds on and refines a previously conducted broad-scale vulnerability assessment. This approach was adopted in the study region (Northern Ireland) owing to a lack of coherent and up-to-date information on shoreline change. This approach incorporated the GIS-based Digital Shoreline Analysis System (DSAS) to quantify and analyze local shoreline change. DSAS is a software extension for ESRI ArcGIS which allows calculation of rate-of-change statistics using past shorelines identified from georeferenced historic maps and vertical aerial imagery. Additionally, a field survey was conducted to assess the condition of recorded sites, and identify unrecorded ones. Results revealed a more complex pattern of shoreline change in the study area (Magilligan Foreland, Lough Foyle) than previously anticipated, with zones of significant erosion interspersed with areas of stability or advance. Fifty-one new sites ranging from the prehistoric period to the Second World War were also identified. The new information was used to develop a priority classification based on site significance, condition and risk level which improved significantly on the uniform classification of the original broad-scale assessment.     

Beijing’s institutional-balancing strategies: rationales,implementation and efficacy

China has in recent years been actively engaged in multilateral diplomacy. From the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia to the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank and the One Belt, One Road initiative, Beijing is pursuing strategies and promoting norms that are viewed as concerted efforts by China to challenge some of the key institutional arrangements of the existing international order. This article seeks to discuss these contentious issues and assess the rationales, approaches and implications of Chinese diplomacy in initiating and promoting what can be considered as institutional-balancing strategies. The author suggests that the rationales behind these Chinese strategies have as much to do with Beijing’s shifting priorities and the need to address them as with reflecting a degree of dissatisfaction with existing multilateral institutions. And there are more marked differences in Chinese motivations and modalities in security arenas than in economic areas. However, it would be overstating Beijing’s intentions and capabilities if these China-sponsored initiatives are viewed as direct challenges to the existing international and regional orders.