A New Woman and Her Warlord: Li Dequan,Feng Yuxiang,and the Politics of Intimacy in Twentieth-Century China

This article proposes a new way of viewing Republican-era warlords. Through an examination of the life of Li Dequan, the second wife of warlord Feng Yuxiang, it displaces Feng from his typical military and political context, scrutinizing instead the ways that Feng and Li interwove the private intimacies of love, marriage, and family life into their public and political lives. In the Republic, Feng and Li, like many prominent figures of the time, shared elements of their private lives with journalists and, through them, a broader reading public, posing for photographs with their children on their way to school and inviting reporters to family events. Feng and Li utilized this newfound intimacy between public and political leaders to cultivate public sympathy and support. By the early PRC, Li—following Feng’s sudden 1948 death—was named the first Minister of Health of the People’s Republic of China and her roles as wife and romantic object fell away. Instead, she focused on mothering the nation. By the late twentieth century, emphasis on the Li and Feng romance reappeared in writings about the couple, and while these narratives drew on the Republican-era stories, it was made to seem that Li’s feminism rather than Feng’s modernity had facilitated their true love. Though the warlords have often been seen as destructive, exploring Feng’s and Li’s lives demonstrates that factional militarists and their families contributed to a new political culture grounded in a gendered national narrative that intertwined family and nation.     

革命的“病理学”——布林顿对“革命”的开拓性研究及其影响

布林顿的<革命的分析>是西方"革命学"(the study of revolution)中一部影响深远的著作.该书运用类似于"病理学"的自然科学方法对英、美、法、俄四国革命进行了深入的解剖和比较.布林顿认为旧制度的结构缺陷、知识分子忠诚的转移和统治阶级内部的分裂是这几场革命的共同原因;这几场革命都可以大致划分为旧制度的垮台、温和派统治时期、激进派统治时期和热月反动等四个阶段;革命的后果是政府效率的显著提高、财产的转移以及"成功革命传统"的形成.布林顿的理论对于后来的革命研究产生了深远的影响.     

人民共和国:中国人民的历史性选择

中华人民共和国的成立是中国共产党领导全国各族人民进行新民主主义革命所取得的最伟大的成果;把创建人民共和国作为中国革命的共同奋斗目标,是历史和人民的选择。新中国成立后,《共同纲领》对人民共和国的国体、政体等问题做出了具有法律效力的明确规定,其中的国体,即工人阶级领导的、以工农联盟为基础的人民民主专政的国家制度,具有最根本的意义和决定性的作用。这种制度,符合中国的实际情况和广大人民的切身利益,有着极大的优越性。     

军事革命对近代早期欧洲军人行为方式和价值观念的影响

军事革命扩大了近代早期欧洲军人与平民的分野,使军人的行为方式和价值观念呈现出一些新的特点:中世纪骑士军队那种以追求荣誉、个人的英勇和对领主的忠诚为美德的观念不见了,取而代之的是以服从命令、遵守纪律、集体感、合作精神、标准化、等级制为特征的行为方式和价值观念.主要由于军事革命而形成的这些行为方式和价值观念,后来被引入到工厂、机关、学校等社会组织中,有效地改善了这些组织的管理,从而在一定程度上促进了欧洲社会的发展.     

The Statistical Style of Reasoning and the Invention of Bose‐Einstein Statistics

This paper is a preliminary exploration of the connections between the statistical style of reasoning and the research practices of statistical mechanics in the early period of the long quantum revolution. It suggests that before 1925 the instantiations of the statistical style in physics went through two phases. The first phase consisted of the formulation of the Maxwell‐Boltzmann statistics on the basis of the population‐gas analogy. The second phase was characterized by the generalization of the Maxwell‐Boltzmann statistics through analogies between ideal gas molecules and other microphysical entities, analogies that shaped and were shaped by the rise of quantum theory. Einstein's invention of the Bose‐Einstein statistics started a third phase and created the conditions of possibility for a new classification of microphysical entities according to their different statistics.     

SOCIALIST COMMUNICATION STRATEGIES AND THE SPRING OF 1917

The Russian Revolution of 1917 presented Swedish Social Democrats with a dilemma: how could they use the transnational revolutionary momentum to further universal suffrage, without supporting actions possibly leading to violence? In striking this balance, the use of communications was central. This article uses the concept of the media system to analyse the communicative practices and strategies developed by the Party in the early 20th century, and how these were employed between 1915 and 1917, in relation to the hunger marches and revolutionary pressures. The study shows that the Party had established conscious agitation strategies and an elaborate national communication structure, which enabled coordinated opinion activities. As early as 1915, the Party began using these tools to initiate a national opinion movement concerning the food situation. In 1917, faced with the combination of events in Russia and erupting hunger marches, the Party leadership chose to emphasize security and stability, focusing on events the Party could control, such as the 1 May demonstrations. The resulting development of revolutionary opinion in Sweden during the spring of 1917 and the ensuing political changes reflected conscious media management strategies by the Left, who used the media system to navigate and shape a transnational revolutionary moment.     

War and Revolution: Friedrich Engels as a Military and Political Thinker

This article explores the link between political and military strategy and tactics in the work of Friedrich Engels. Though widely praised for his understanding of military affairs, Engels’ interlocutors have tended to be dismissive of his political works. By exploring his politics through the lens of his military writings this article challenges the view that Engels was a mechanical materialist and political fatalist thinker. It argues that his military writings cannot be understood apart from his political works, and that, whatever the historical limitations of the specific conclusions to which he came, his method in these writings illuminate his profound grasp of the relationship between strategy and tactics at both the military and political levels.     

Nationalism and revolution: friends or foes?

Nationalism and revolution have generally been held to go together. Many nation‐states have had their origins in revolution, from the Americans in the 18th century to a host of Third World nation‐states in the 20th century. Generally, both modern revolutions and modern nationalism have the same origins, in 18th century Enlightenment thought. But this paper argues that, despite this common origin, the principles of revolution and nationalism are divergent, and can set one against the other. Revolutions emphasise freedom and equality; nationalism emphasises integration and unification. These principles can clash, though not inevitably and not always. The paper examines the 1789 French Revolution, the 1848 revolutions and the 1917 Russian revolution. It shows that in the first two cases, revolutionary aspirations came up against and were eventually displaced by nationalist aims. In the case of 1917, revolution paradoxically, and unintentionally, institutionalised nationalism. These examples show that, though linked at some high level of modern thought, revolution and nationalism express different and at times divergent strands of modernity.     

The politics of disenchantment: Marcel Gauchet and the French struggle with secularization

ABSTRACT

This article looks at Marcel Gauchet’s major metahistorical statement, The Disenchantment of the World: A Political History of Religion (1985), and uses it to advance a series of claims about the place of secularization in debates within and about French politics, especially in relation to modern French history. The argument is put forward that Gauchet’s work is best understood as offering an alternative philosophy of history to Marxism that could serve to support a broadly republican realignment of French politics in the 1980s. Revisionist historiography concerning the French Revolution likewise played a role in this development, and served as a prerequisite of sorts to Gauchet’s broader historical project. The article also considers Gauchet’s work in light of postmodern skepticism of the utility of historical metanarratives.     

周恩来的现代科学技术革命思想论析

学术界对于周恩来的科学技术思想研究已经取得了一批成果 ,而对周恩来现代科学技术革命思想的研究则十分薄弱。周恩来是中共领袖中对现代科学技术革命认识最早、阐发最系统的一位杰出代表。对于现代科学技术革命的迅速崛起 ,周恩来不是漠然置之 ,而是积极主动的正视它、探讨它。周恩来关于现代科学技术革命的思想 ,具有鲜明的前瞻性、务实性和创造性 ,是中国共产党人顺应历史潮流、勇于迎接时代挑战的重要思想结晶。