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101.
近代科学不是西方文明独有的产物,而是不同文明特别是东西方文明间相互融合、共同创造的成果。在历史上,古代希腊科学没能直接发展成近代科学,而东方文化对西方科学中过度的理性主义传统却起到了纠偏、涵化和升华的作用,对其疏离价值、缺少人文关怀的“先天不足”作了适当的“培补”和“修复”。这些不仅体现在东方科学文化所给予的大量科学思想启迪中,而且表现在西方近代科学研究方法的嬗变中。没有东方文化的这种影响,近代科学(革命)是不可能发生的。  相似文献   
102.
彭明 《史学月刊》2001,(3):5-12
20世纪是中国走向现代化的世纪。辛亥革命的胜利、中华民国的建立,标志着中国走向现代化(主动)的正式启动;五四前后在经济(民族资本的发展)、思想(新文化运动)、政治(无产阶级登上政治舞台、中共成立、国共合作)等方面的成就,标志着中国走向现代化的全面启动;新民主主义革命的胜利、中华人民共和国的成立,开辟了中国走向现代化的广阔道路;改革开放使中国走上社会主义现代化的康庄大道,中国的现代化事业迅猛发展。在新的21世纪,中华民族将以更强劲的英姿屹立于世界民族之林。  相似文献   
103.
由于异常激烈的生存竞争和有利于革新的思想文化背景,当世界其它地区军事上还在缓慢发展时,欧洲在14—17世纪发生了一系列军事革命,其军队在陆地和海上的作战能力得到了稳步提高。这使欧洲人在与世界其它地区的对抗中逐渐取得了越来越明显的军事优势。尽管欧洲的崛起是由政治、经济、军事、文化及社会等各个领域的许多复杂因素相互作用共同促成的,但在多数情况下军事优势是其征服过程中必不可少的条件。  相似文献   
104.
李英铨 《安徽史学》2003,6(5):42-46,72
辛亥革命期间,汪精卫为了利用和影响袁世凯,做了一些工作,虽然取得一些结果,但反为袁世凯所利用。汪精卫力图对京津地区的革命活动进行控制,并坚持以政治手段来推翻清朝。汪精卫以双重角色参与南北议和,起了极为重要的作用,为袁世凯夺权创造了极为有利的条件,并使革命党人过快地失去革命领导权。  相似文献   
105.
106.
中国走上社会主义道路是近代中国历史发展的结果,是历史的选择。近代以来的历史还表明,马克思主义在中国的发展有其必然性,假设中国走资本主义道路结果如何是毫无意义的,而且中国人对大同理想的追求也有助于他们对社会主义的接受;在中国,革命是社会主义和现代化的前提,社会主义与工业化是同时展开的;在当今形势下,"一个中心,两个基本点"依然是我们开展各项事业的基本路线,将中国特色社会主义与民主社会主义相混淆是违背历史事实的。  相似文献   
107.
Under the pressure of governmental reform, beginning in 1740 and intensifying from the 1770s, opponents of reform in the Austrian Netherlands employed arguments derived from The Spirit of the Laws to contest the need for reform. However, reform had also been advocated by local powers using truisms publicised by The Spirit of the Laws, and during the political upheaval of 1789–1790, democrats and traditionalists clashed bitterly over the form of the new Belgian state, both citing Montesquieu to suit their purposes. This article seeks to trace and account for the influence and use of Montesquieu's thought in the Belgian context.  相似文献   
108.
Contrary to widespread conception, environmental issues were commonly debated in public already over a hundred years ago. Based on an extensive newspaper study this paper concentrates on water management and animal welfare issues in the local newspapers in the city of Turku, Finland, in 1890–1950. At the time, the role of the newspapers was important in shaping public understanding of environmental issues. Although the amount of environment‐related writing remained scarce in comparison to today's media, the debate was continuous and sometimes even fierce. Both environmental protection and animal welfare received very positive comments in the press and they were considered important aims. The discussion reflected the opinions of the middle‐class and especially the well‐educated professionals and officials, whose views dominated the debate. However, animal protection also gave women a possibility to get their voice heard. Ordinary newspaper‐reading city dwellers must have been well aware of the local environmental problems already in the early 20th century.  相似文献   
109.
ABSTRACT

This article is concerned with the writings on resistance by Richard Price and Joseph Priestley, the leaders of the Rational Dissenters who supported the American and French Revolutions, from the late 1760s to 1791. The article discusses the differences between Rational Dissent and mainstream (Court) Whig resistance theory, as regards history in particular: the Dissenters viewed the Glorious Revolution as a lost opportunity rather than a full triumph and claimed the heritage of the Puritan opposition to Charles I, some of them justifying the regicide. Price's and Priestley's views on resistance are assessed against the benchmark of John Locke's conception of the breach of trust. While both thinkers presented themselves as followers of Locke, they departed from his thought by their emphasis on the constantly active role of the people. Each in their own way, they also argued that early, possibly peaceful, resistance was preferable to violent resistance as a last resort against a tyranny. In the end, Price and Priestley each articulated an original theory derived from Locke; their views were very close and their main difference concerned the treatment of history, Price's caution contrasting with Priestley's justification of tyrannicide.  相似文献   
110.
ABSTRACT

Can there be a legal or a moral right to resist the government? Scholarly interest in the right of resistance has rarely focused on German philosophy, which has often been considered unusually committed to authority. Yet, during the Enlightenment German philosophers regularly attempted to justify not just conscientious refusal but also revolution. This essay explores the two dominant justifications, which were based in Wolffian perfectionism and Kantian relational theory. It argues that we can best understand the complexity of these theories of resistance by exploring their contrasting views on the state’s purpose: providing material and spiritual welfare, or establishing freedom as independence.  相似文献   
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