From a Politics of Conviction to a Politics of Interest? The Changing Ontologics of Youth Politics in India and Nicaragua

There exists a longstanding association between youth and revolution, partly due to the assumption that the politics of the former are inherently “prefigurative” in nature. Youth politics can often actually be quite conservative, however, as can be observed in contemporary Nicaragua, where rather than attempting to “change the world” in the way that previous militant youth generations were famously associated with, current Sandinista youth activists engage primarily in forms of neo‐patrimonial clientelism. At the same time, the evolving experience of everyday political action by university educated youth in Uttar Pradesh, India highlights how economic endeavours can, under certain circumstances, become a form of politics, often of a more transformative variety than classic forms of collective mobilization. The comparison of Nicaragua and India thus highlights the critical importance of considering the wider environment within which youth mobilize and take action in order to understand how and why particular political “ontologics” emerge.     

When the Revolution Reached the Countryside: Use and Destruction of Imported Wares in Alta Gracia,Córdoba, 1810

During the 1970s, excavations were conducted in Alta Gracia, Córdoba, Argentina, in a compound that once was a seventeenth and eighteenth-century Jesuit Convent and is presently a museum. During the excavation, an amazing amount of historic material never studied before was discovered inside a sealed privy. After studying the material, we were able to identify the objects as once belonging to Santiago de Liniers, a man who successfully resisted and expelled British invaders from Buenos Aires. As a result, he was appointed Viceroy, though eventually he was shot in 1810 for confronting the Independence movement. Our hypothesis is that these objects were thrown into the privy as a gesture of contempt associated with his capture and execution.     

同盟会，国民革命的联盟——关于同盟会的性质问题

本文认为同盟会的性质不是如过去学术界所说的为资产阶级政党,而是全国各阶级革命群众的联合政党、国民革命的联盟.本文主要从三个方面展开论述:1、从同盟会的三民主义纲领来看,它不仅反映了资产阶级的利益和要求,也代表了包括地主、工人、农民在内的当时一切反对西方列强侵略,要求推翻清朝,振兴中华,改变现状的人们和阶级的利益.2、从同盟会的成员来看,既有资产阶级,也有地主、工人、农民和其他各阶级及其知识分子.3、从同盟会领袖孙中山的思想来看,也不是仅站在资产阶级立场上讲话,而是代表了全国各族各阶级,尤其是工人农民的共同利益.     

陈独秀国家统一思想述论

陈独秀的国家统一观经历了前后截然不同的两大阶段.第一阶段,他主张国民党、进步党、北洋官僚三大势力平分政权,实行联邦制以结束国家的分裂状态.这一时期陈独秀对国家统一问题的认识是模糊的、肤浅的乃至于错误的.第二阶段,陈独秀的国家统一观发生了质的变化,提出了通过人民革命方式,打倒帝国主义与军阀,最终建立中华联邦共和国等系列观点,从而构成了关于国家统一的完整的思想体系.陈独秀的国家统一观虽存在若干失误,但与同时代人比较,仍不失为最激进、最彻底、最可行的国家统一观.     

Revolution,uprising, civil war: the conceptual dilemmas of 1956

There were from the very beginning two ways of conceptualising the events of 1956 in Hungary, labelling it as a revolution or a national uprising. There also emerged a third way of conceptual definition when what occurred in 1956 was named an anti-totalitarian movement. From the theoretical perspective of Begriffsgeschichte the Hungarian events of 1956 cannot simply be assumed under the notion of ‘revolution’, the term first applied to what took place in France in 1789, since it was not the kind of a forceful collective effort leading to an unknown future. The notion of ‘revolutio’ works better to describe the analytical meaning of the Hungarian anti-Soviet and anti-Communist disturbance. The reason has been that the main thrust of the Hungarian situation in 1956 was similar to the seventeenth-century English and the eighteenth-century American ‘revolutions’, to return definitively to a point of departure by regaining some of the formerly lost social and political liberties.     

“诗界革命”的宿将——评李端棻《瑟园诗存》

李端棻《苾园诗存》147首,大部分写于流放新疆之后,诗歌揭露黑暗现实,批判专制制度,宣扬“平等”、“自由”等资产阶级民主观念,为贵州民智开发的先声。其内容与风格与“诗界革命”主张隐然契合。李端菜应该是“诗界革命”的宿将。     

试析辛亥革命期间《大公报》的舆论导向——以《君主民主立宪问题之解决》征文为中心

1911年10月10日武昌首义爆发,舆论界有摇旗呐喊的支持者,也有发出质疑之声的反对者,造成这一现象的原因各异。北方大报《大公报》对革命的态度,在辛亥革命期间的日常报道和《君主民主立宪问题之解决》的征文活动过程中一览无余,即使在起义爆发之后全国争相响应,革命一发而不可收拾之时,英敛之主持下的《大公报》仍然坚持着一以贯之的君主立宪理想。有奖征文不但是报纸和社会之间互动的有效方式,亦成为报纸引导舆论导向、传播自身理念的又一途径。     

Nationalism,civil society,and the revolution of 1989

Relying heavily on the work of Edward Shils, this paper argues that a robust sense of national identity among the peoples of East Central Europe played a crucial role in the revolutions of 1989 and the subsequent emergence of civil society in the region's countries.     

构建民族国家：辛亥革命前后的中国边疆

本文着重从民族国家构建的角度探讨辛亥革命前后蒙、藏等边疆地区的政治变迁。辛亥革命使“五族共和”、“中华民族”学说从思想变成了政治实践,实际上成为梁启超政治思想、价值体系的代行者。可以说,因辛亥革命而昌盛的“五族共和”、“中华民族”观念作为民国初期政府整合中央与边疆地方的意识形态,对边疆地方的民族国家之认同影响极深。