The Clash of Interests: Commerce and the Politics of Trade in the Age of Anne

This article celebrates the contribution which Professor Holmes made to the field of British politics and society by the study of an important collection of political tracts. The compiler of the collection is identified as Sir Charles Cooke, one of the most significant commercial politicians of his day. The organisation of the collection illuminates the ways in which City politicians used various channels of information, both printed and personal, to support their political platforms. It also demonstrates how Cooke contributed to the defeat of the tories over the French Commerce Bill of 1713, by supplying key sources to combat the ministry's position. On a wider plane, although it suggests that partisan politics tainted all information advanced in the public sphere, this did not relieve political rivals of the need to establish the superior authority of their sources, and political success only saw Cooke redouble his efforts to gain as wide a base of information as possible. Statistical precision remained elusive, but his archive stands testament to a growing need for authority of source in a political world of party and vested interests.     

罗马帝国的地方政府——以不列颠为例

本文通过分析罗马政府在不列颠的运作以揭示元首制时期罗马行省体系的运作机制。对总督及代理官任命之考察表明,罗马官员具有非职业性,他们生活在相对固定的晋升体系中,一生需要出任诸多不同职位,并没有为出任某个职位接受专门训练,所以无法发展出专业行政知识。此外,元首制时期官僚机构尚未增生,行省中罗马官员的数量屈指可数。这些都为地方自治开辟了空间。在某些罗马势力不易渗透的地方,地方自治政府在征服初期以藩属国的形式出现。随着时机成熟,藩属国作为一种权宜之计逐渐被具有高度自治权的城市所代替。城市里的地方官员在刑事案件之审理和直接税之征收方面发挥了重要作用。尽可能把行政负担转嫁到地方政府身上是罗马帝国正常运转的奥秘所在。     

秦汉时期的和奸罪——以简牍资料为中心的考察

秦汉时期,法律对和奸的论罪区分为亲属与非亲属两类,处罚轻重差别较大。和奸罪的审理程序包括：以“诣告”的形式对犯奸者提起诉讼;受理机关以县廷为主,疑难案例依次向郡国守相及廷尉府疑谳,王侯的和奸罪则交由中央受理;和奸罪的认定必须满足“必案之校上”的条件。对和奸罪的有关规定和处理从维护家族联姻关系、维护家长权力及保证家族“财不出户”等3个方面维护家族秩序和社会等级名份。     

定位华裔新西兰人：当代“高质量移民”与早年“不受欢迎的外国人”之比较

自19世纪至20世纪中期,华裔新西兰人被视为不被法律承认的异乡人;而从1987年开始,华裔新西兰人被视为主要的中产阶级移民群体而受到欢迎,并被寄予建立国际联系和裨益经济的厚望。在这两个群体之间,存在着如社会经济实力、籍贯、教育程度、移民动机等方面的巨大差异,最主要的是,他们与新西兰非华裔主流群体的融合程度不同。然而,不论是早期卑微的定居者还是近年来的高素质“空中飞人”,华裔新西兰人的定位没有改变,只要他们是华人的后代,而且“看起来是华人”,他们就永远不可能被当作“真正的新西兰人”。“华人性”总是被刻画成和“新西兰价值”格格不入。     

新加坡中华总商会与1963年新加坡对日不合作运动

二战后英国出于冷战的考量和为了换取日本在其东南亚殖民地的财产,在旧金山媾和时放弃了其东南亚殖民地对日本的赔偿要求,使得1962年初因发现日本占领新加坡期间被屠杀的华人遗骸而引发的对日追讨血债的行动困难重重。新加坡中华总商会在日本政府一再拖延的情况下,发动了对日不合作运动,公布了14项实施办法。此运动的发动及其影响,使日方深切地感受到新加坡在其对外贸易中的重要性,并成为《日本国与新加坡共和国之间1967年9月21日协定》顺利签订的主要原因之一。     

美国华侨对保皇会的支持与贡献

戊戌政变后,康梁等保皇领袖曾在全世界华侨社会中建立了庞大的保皇组织,美国华侨社会成为海外保皇势力的中心。美国华侨在组织上和财力上对保皇派做出了重大贡献,保皇党人在开启华侨民智,推动华侨对祖国的关注和认同,进而促进华侨爱国主义思想和民族主义的产生和发展方面发挥了巨大作用。保皇派的活动对华侨政治认同有积极的影响。     

Three geographers in an archive: positions, predilections and passing comment on transient lives

Despite the existence of research conducted by geographers eschewing or professing religious faith, the influence of researchers and their methods have yet to receive critical attention within the study of religion. The experience of three geographers working on a three-year research project suggests that it is vital to reflect upon the inter-subjective relationships and methodologies used to reconstruct the religious past. How do different subject positions influence our selections from historical records? We also consider whether the spatialities of putatively 'religious' archives, whether formally or informally constituted, make a difference to the construction of historiographical knowledge. In attempting to answer these questions, the paper argues that developing an awareness of different types of positionality, vis-à-vis religious faith and practice, combined with reflexivity, vis-à-vis methodology, can enrich the interpretative reconstruction of the religious past.     

Jacobite Politics in the Age of Anne

Every political movement has watershed moments when decisions are taken with very long-term consequences. This article explores one such moment with respect to the jacobite movement during the reign of Queen Anne. Implicitly building on Geoffrey Holmes's model of the workings of the whig and tory parties in the age of Anne, the article analyses the turn to the Scots that took place within jacobite politics between 1702 and 1710. Throughout the 1690s the English jacobites had dominated the politics of the jacobite movement. Cementing their hold on the jacobite court's outlook and policies there was, too, an intrinsic anglocentrism at royal and ministerial level. Yet by 1715 the Scots jacobites were clearly equal partners with the English within the movement, and this parity was to shape the entire subsequent history of the jacobite cause. This shift within the politics of the movement was, moreover, not simply a corollary of the union. This article argues that the shift to the Scots was far more fundamental in terms of the outlook and policies of the movement, and ultimately did not depend on the immediate military utility of the Scots jacobites, but on a new perception of them as a uniquely important resource.     

The Debate in the House of Lords on 'No Peace without Spain', 7 December 1711: A New Source

The debate in the house of lords on 'No Peace without Spain' in December 1711 was the first test of the strength of the administration of Robert Harley, earl of Oxford, in the upper House. Though there are more sources for this debate than is normal for proceedings in the Lords, few can claim to be by eyewitnesses. A newly 'discovered' anonymous letter from an eyewitness found in the papers of the lord great chamberlain's office in the Parliamentary Archives gives a detailed account of this important debate.