暖春是怎样变成严冬的:从知识分子问题会议到反右派运动

本文以建国初期知识分子命运的跌宕起伏为线索,重点考察了从1956年知识分子问题会议到1957年反右派运动的历史过程.大致包括以下几个方面的内容:一、知识分子问题会议的召开和"向科学技术进军"的掀起;二、"百花齐放,百家争鸣"方针的提出;三、波、匈事件尤其是匈牙利事件,对知识分子政策的消极影响;四、右派错误言论与整风运动的转向;五、反右派运动的梗概;六、反右派运动严重扩大化错误及其成因.     

统购统销政策的取消与中国农村改革的深化

中国的改革开放是从农村开始的。在农村改革的第一步即实行以"大包干"为主的家庭联产承包责任制取得一定成效后,必然要求改革农村商品流通体制,变革农村的产业结构,取消实施已久的农产品统购统销制度,建立新型的农村发展体制。目前国内学术界对农村改革起步阶段的研究相当重视,并取得了许多成果,而对农村改革第二阶段的研究则相对薄弱。本文在梳理相关资料基础上,对农村统购统销制度改革中的若干问题进行分析,揭示中国农村改革的曲折性与反复性,展现中国共产党领导中国人民矢志改革的坚定决心、追求国强民富的信心及冷静处理改革中出现的新问题的能力。     

古物陈列所的兴衰及其历史地位述评

成立于1914年且存在了34年的古物陈列所长期被人们忽视并淡忘。它实际上是中国近代民主革命的光荣产物和反复辟斗争的重要成果,曾占据今日故宫博物院的半壁江山,被誉为“民国成立后最有价值之建设”。它是紫禁城向博物馆转变的第一篇章,是中国第一家国立博物馆、宫廷博物馆、艺术博物馆,开创了中国近代博物馆发展史的新纪元,在世界宫廷类博物馆中占有特殊地位,在中国近代政治、社会、文化史上也具有较深远的影响。     

完颜昌对宋态度的转变及其成因

完颜昌的对宋态度经历了一个由主战到主和的转变过程 ,主要是由宋金战争形势发展变化所决定的。至于他主张将河南陕西之地交还南宋 ,则不仅仅是受宋金战争形势发展变化影响的结果 ,也是金朝内部矛盾以及完颜昌有意交结南宋的产物     

企业合作在我国区域发展中的作用

改革开放以来,随着社会主义市场经济体制的逐步建立和完善,我国区域发展取得很大成就。但区域发展差异也不断加大,这在一定程度上违背了区域发展的公平性原则。为了实现区域协调发展和全国共同繁荣,我国开始实施均衡发展战略,希望通过加强东西部之间的区域合作来推动欠发达地区的经济发展,在市场经济体制下,企业成为区域经济活动的主体,区域合作主要通过企业合作来完成。本分析了企业合作形成的动因,并总结出四种不同的企业合作模式,认为企业合作对于地区创新网络形成、区域产业结构转移、区域投资扩散和缩小区域发展差异具有重要意义。     

中国国民的健康指数及其区域差异

用“健康指数”来表征我国国民的健康状况,以预期寿命为核心,选择27项与寿命有密切关系的、能反映人的身体素质和化素质的健康指标,综合求得健康指数,基本上反映了各地区人群的健康状况及其区域差异,表明我国大城市和东南沿海地区人群的健康状况较好,西部地区稍差。     

新南方起源时期美国南方城市的发展和城市生活的变迁

新南方起源时期南方城市有显著发展,数量明显增加并初步完成城市功能的转换和城市设施的更新,为以后新南方综合性大都市的出现打下基础。但与同时期的北方城市相比,南方城市规模小,对农作物,工业原料和铁路的依赖严重,乡土气息浓厚。城市社会形态特征表现为种族隔离加剧,城市成为种族冲突的温床,一个自主自立的黑人社区形成;新老城市社会氛围差异大,老城市的相对静态与新兴城市的动态形成鲜明对照,南方社会重心不仅从农村移到城市,而且从老城市移到新兴城市。新兴城市逐渐成为南方城市发展的亮点和方向。     

The Politics of Crisis Policymaking: Chernobyl and Swedish Nuclear Energy Policy

Public policy scholars often accentuate the key role of crises in explaining policy change; however, much empirical work still remains to be done in order to explain crisis‐induced policy outcomes. This article explores the prediction of the Advocacy Coalition Framework that stable coalitions and impediments to learning reduce the likelihood for policy change after a crisis. Strategic action is emphasized as a supplementary variable focusing on the role of political motivations in post‐crisis policymaking. Sweden's decision not to accelerate the nuclear power phaseout following the 1986 Chernobyl disaster provides a case study to assess the utility of these explanations. Findings corroborate theoretical expectations about stable minority coalitions, cast doubts over the presumed rigidity of policy core beliefs, and emphasize strategic action and cognitive heuristics as important motivations for policy choice. The article concludes by outlining three sector‐specific variables (ideological salience, level of conflict, and previous crisis experiences) that add to the explanation of crisis‐induced policy outcomes.     

The Behavioral Impact of Drinking and Driving Laws

All U.S. states have laws designed to discourage people from drinking and driving, but enforcement varies across the states. Existing studies offer conflicting evidence on the effectiveness of these strategies in deterring drinking‐and‐driving behavior. Deterrence theories imply that the mere existence of such laws has little impact on criminal behavior, but the perception of enforcement and the probability of being detected have a deterrent effect. To test these hypotheses, we develop a measure of the propensity to drink and drive using item response theory and national survey data. Inferential models test the impact of perceptions of enforcement, actual enforcement levels, and deterrence laws on criminal propensity. Results indicate that the existence of statutes impacts only those least likely to drink and drive, while perceptions of the likelihood of arrest and individual agreement with the goals of drinking and driving laws significantly reduce the propensity for almost everyone. Actual enforcement rates display no behavioral effect.     

From trusteeship to development: how class and gender complicated Kenya's housing policy, 1939–1963

Colonial rule required the control of territory, nowhere more than in cities. In the early twentieth century, colonial policy in Kenya and the rest of East and Southern Africa had only grudgingly accommodated Africans in urban areas. After 1939 policy changed, not only in response to poor local conditions and social unrest but also because London's new colonial development policy made a place for African workers in towns. From 1940, new housing and colonial policies acknowledged the importance of the discourses of class and gender. Administrators stabilised an African working class by building better municipal housing, and then sought to fashion a middle class by promoting home ownership. They began to promote housing for families, having recognised that African women could help to make their men at home in the city, and to educate children to become good citizens. The evolution of Kenya's housing policy illuminates the characteristic pressures, calculations, and responses of colonial rule that were being played out internationally in the late colonial period.