In pursuit of productive conflict in strategic planning: project identification

This paper discusses three normative standpoints on conflict in strategic spatial planning: no conflict, conflict for consensus and conflict for meta-consensus on the validity of dispute. These views apply to the questions of whether and why projects, as a major source of conflict, should be identified in the process of strategic planning. In their approaches to these questions, the performance school advocates the production of general guidelines to avoid conflict, the collaborative perspective supports the identification of projects in strategic planning in order to utilize their potential in a conflict-to-consensus journey and the conflict-oriented perspective favours the identification of projects in strategic planning in order to arrive at meta-consensus on the immediate disputability of robust agreements. Reflecting on the collaborative perspective, this paper tests a hypothetical model of how conflicts created in the face of project identification can feed in making consensual strategies. Findings in the North West region of England support the model and suggest some difficulties with reviewing such consensus around which a resistance network forms. The paper puts forward some recommendations for overcoming the review challenge.     

旅游产业集聚会影响地区收入差距吗？——基于中国省际面板数据的门槛回归分析

本文利用中国30个省市区1999年～2009年面板数据,分别从线性和非线性两个角度实证检验了旅游产业集聚对地区收入差距的影响,估计结果显示：一方面,旅游产业集聚对地区收入差距具有显著线性负向影响效应;另一方面,通过构建非线性面板门槛模型,进一步检验了旅游产业集聚对地区收入差距影响效应的门槛特征,具体而言,旅游产业集聚对地区收入差距负向影响效应不仅存在基于旅游产业集聚的单一门槛特征,而且也存在基于经济发展水平、基础设施建设与产业结构升级的三重门槛特征。     

试论数据挖掘技术在旅游营销中的应用

本试从关联规则用于交叉营销、分类器和聚类用于市场细分两个方面探讨数据挖掘技术在旅游营销中的应用。     

现代中国地方主义的政治解读

“地方主义”一词,20世纪20年代初在中国出现,其后至今被较多地使用;中外关于地方主义的阐释也颇为复杂;依据这些阐释和对“地方主义”一词的解构,结合现代中国的实际,地方主义的内涵应是地方心理观念、地方政治意识、地方政治行为及其思维和行为模式这样一个结构。关于现代中国地方主义的界定,国家的基本法律制度和政治制度应是基本标准;中央政策是一个重要标准;国家的政治传统是一个参照的方面。界定的立足点应在于：它必须出自地方,是地方的意识和行为;它的基本方面是地方对中央;它的本质是地方同中央争权夺利。     

Doing Great Basin archaeology recently: Coping with variability

Great Basin archaeologists spent the 1970s and most of the 1980s tearing down the Desert Culture hypothesis without presenting compelling means for dealing with the empirical variability that made it untenable. Recent research seeks to understand this variability by examining the effect of key variables in extreme environmental contexts, especially in wetlands and at high altitudes, and by developing and refining models of optimality that anticipate variability as the local expression of general evolutionary ecological principles. Research on intraregional and ethnic variability has lagged behind—the former because it is said to be costly, the latter because it is problematical in theory.     

经济一体化背景下的区域溢出分析

从溢出的角度研究区域间的互动关系是一个全新的视角。本文利用协方差统计模型对广东省与其他省区的溢出关系进行分析。结论是:在航空距离影响下,广东对所有省区都具有强度不同的正溢出效果,发挥了区域带动作用。在接受溢出方面,除了四川,甘肃,宁夏和黑龙江以外,其它省区对广东的溢出均表现出强度不同的正效应。对比分析广东对外溢出和获得溢出,可以看出经济水平邻近的长江三角洲地区、地理邻近省区均与广东表现出较强的相互正溢出效应。在区域间信息化缺口的影响下,广东与各区域之间溢出强度下降。     

长三角区域旅游线路模式及目的地类型研究

本文基于旅游社国内观光旅游线路报价单,统计并分析长三角区域旅游线路空间模式的类型、特征,以及长三角地区旅游目的地类型。结果表明,单目的地模式和完全环游模式是长三角地区最重要的两种旅游线路模式;长三角地区各目的地在旅游线路中出现频次存在较大的差异,呈现明显的等级层次;长三角旅游目的地类型主要表现为单一型、门户型以及出口型;通过对旅游线路中各目的出现频次的统计可见,长三角目的地呈现核心——边缘空间结构格局。     

What Can the State Do for You?

It has been suggested that Swedish policy during the early post-war period was strongly directed towards mobility-increasing expenditures – most notably relocation allowances – aimed at moving labour from north to south. While this view has dominated the academic discussion on labour market policy, there is little direct evidence. We make three claims. First, the relocation allowances have to be evaluated against the regional policy. Second, by doing so we show that the mobility-oriented policy was predominant only for a short period of time: in the early 1970s, there was a decisive shift towards a policy directed at stimulating employment in the north. Third, drawing on this, we revaluate the previous view on policy making in Sweden. Our analysis suggests that the Social Democratic government acted in a voter-maximizing way. The relocation allowances were introduced at the behest of the Trade Union Confederation (LO). The regional subsidies were expanded when voter sentiment turned against the perceived depletion of rural regions. However, this strategy interacted with the political and institutional environment. The new election law in 1970 and political competition from the Centre Party pushed the Social Democrats to shift their policies on regional subsidies.     

Operationalizing a contested concept: indicators of territorial cohesion

European territorial policies increasingly refer to broad goals such as sustainability, well-being and cohesion. For their operationalization as political goals, there is a need to create indicators. But how can an indicator be meaningful in relation to a complex concept that is not well defined? If the creation of an indicator is primarily aimed at quantifying a concept and making it more operational, in the case of a contested concept (such as territorial cohesion), the process of building indicators also helps stabilize it, allowing a potential decontestation. A participatory constructivist approach – as used by the ESPON project Indicators for Territorial Cohesion (INTERCO) – is considered to be the most suitable for building indicators of contested concepts. While ensuring computability of the indicators, it allows more flexibility and reconciles the different meanings of the concept in order to stabilize it. Ultimately, the validity of indicators of contested concepts lies in pragmatic criteria: usability, usefulness and use.     

环境绩效与财务绩效关系区域比较研究——来自重污染行业上市公司的实证数据

由于经济环境、技术创新及环境政策等因素,我国区域间环境治理表现出一定的差异性,不同区域企业环境绩效与财务绩效关系存在不同之处,因此有必要对两者关系的区域差异进行研究。本文以2011-2014年重污染行业上市公司为样本,实证检验了环境绩效和财务绩效关系以及不同区域间两者关系的表现。研究得出环境绩效有助于提高财务绩效;同时环境绩效与财务绩效的关系存在显著的区域差异,中东部地区环境绩效与财务绩效的正向关系大于西部地区,资源大省企业环境绩效与财务绩效的正向关系显著。研究结论为不同区域条件下政府与企业采取针对性的环境治理措施提供了理论依据。