“九三0”事件后中国对印尼归难侨救济安置工作论析

论文根据近年来广东省档案馆陆续公布的档案资料,对“九三0”事件后中国救济安置印尼归难侨工作的具体过程进行了梳理,并对此项工作的重要意义进行了探讨。主要观点有：广东省是难侨的主要安置点;在印尼反华排华及美苏共同推动国际社会反华的背景下,中国政府对印尼归难侨采取的救济安置措施,具有维护中国海外侨民权益和国家外交利益的双重意义;该项工作是“文革”期间最大规模的归难侨救济安置活动,在推动国内归难侨救援机制发展方面,特别是归难侨侨生安置和华侨农场机制发展方面发挥了积极作用。     

‘The Bay and the Ocean’: A History of the ANC in Swaziland, 1960–1979

Abstract

South African political refugees first began arriving in Swaziland in significant numbers in the late 1950s. In the mid-1960s the ANC tried to recruit these refugees to engage in operational activities but with little success. After Swazi independence in 1968 the kingdom's rulers were too scared of South African retaliation to provide active support for the ANC's armed struggle. Meanwhile ANC members in Swaziland were cut off from ANC structures in central Africa because the kingdom was landlocked between white-ruled South Africa and Mozambique. This changed following the army coup in Lisbon in 1974 which led to Mozambican independence. Mozambique's provisional government allowed the ANC access to Swaziland. The ANC sent Thabo Mbeki to try and establish links with activists in South Africa, but whilst he made some progress, this was reversed by police countermeasures early in 1976. A rump of activists left behind after Mbeki's expulsion led ANC efforts to handle the exodus of youths into Swaziland after the June 1976 Soweto uprising. In the late 1970s Swaziland formed part of what the ANC referred to as the ‘Eastern Front’ of its liberation struggle. In trying to stop ANC infiltrations South Africa made use of an extensive network of highly-placed agents in the Swazi establishment. However this collaboration proved ineffective in stopping the ANC because, even if it wished to, Swaziland lacked the resources to prevent its territory being used, whilst there were also many prominent Swazis, including King Sobhuza II, whose sympathies lay with the ANC. By the end of the 1970s ANC activity in Swaziland had grown to such a scale that it began to unnerve the Swazi authorities. This set the stage for the closing of the ‘Eastern Front’ in the early 1980s.     

Jewish Refugees in Cyprus and British Imperial Sovereignty in the Eastern Mediterranean, 1933–1949

This paper focuses on the use of the British Colony of Cyprus as a clearing ground for Jewish refugees on route to Palestine before, during, and after the Second World War. While acknowledging the historiographical consensus underscoring Cyprus’ renewed strategic importance in the context of British post-Second World War imperial retreat in the East, the article argues that Jewish transmigration revealed new potential uses for the island which in turn contributed to confirm British sovereignty in that possession. Drawing on British and Cypriot sources, the article further shows the transformative impact of Jewish transmigration for Cyprus politics as it induced British authorities, who had established an authoritarian regime in the island in the 1930s, to invoke Cypriot reactions in order to stem the flow of refugees to the island. This paved the way for future policies meant to redefine the relations between rulers and ruled. As the management of refugees coming to Cyprus during the period under scrutiny relied on ever more refined instruments of classification, the paper finally highlights the contribution of Empire to the crafting of official categories to designate people on the move—‘refugees’, ‘illegal immigrants’—which still inform European migration policies.     

Fritz Lewy and His Bodies

Attention is drawn to the neuronal inclusion bodies in Parkinsonism and the dementia described by F. Lewy in 1910, resulting in his eponym, as well as to his academic career and participation in two world wars on opposite sides.     

侨乐村:南京国民政府救助难侨措施的新尝试

论文探讨了20世纪30年代初的难侨问题及特点、侨乐村的筹办与运作模式、侨乐村推广之困境等问题;对侨乐村与华侨农场这两种难侨安置模式进行了比较分析。面对30年代初出现的大批难侨问题,以往常规的救助政策已经不能应对新情况。南京国民政府试图通过建立、推广侨乐村,从根本上实现对归国难侨的救济。侨乐村的创办具有救助难侨、开垦荒地繁荣经济的双重目的,然而在实际管理、运行中,却过度注重国家利益而忽视垦民诉求;加之其他外部环境的影响,侨乐村最终未能得到广泛推广。但通过垦荒安置难民的思路和举措被社会各界认同。侨乐村模式对抗战时期难侨、难民救助及后世华侨农场的建设都有着重要意义。     

The visual dehumanisation of refugees

Dealing with refugees is one of the most contested political issues in Australia. We examine how media images of asylum seekers have framed ensuing debates during two crucial periods over the past decade. By conducting a content analysis of newspaper front pages we demonstrate that asylum seekers have primarily been represented as medium or large groups and through a focus on boats. We argue that this visual framing, and in particular the relative absence of images that depict individual asylum seekers with recognisable facial features, associates refugees not with a humanitarian challenge, but with threats to sovereignty and security. These dehumanising visual patterns reinforce a politics of fear that explains why refugees are publicly framed as people whose plight, dire as it is, nevertheless does not generate a compassionate political response.

如何对待难民是澳大利亚一个最具争议的政治话题。我们考察了在过去十年中的两个关键时期中媒体的避难者形象是如何影响接下来辩论的。根据笔者对报纸的头版所做的内容分析,避难者主要被再现为中、大型群体,多集中在船上。我们认为,这样的视觉形象、尤其是缺少描画个体避难者脸部特征的形象,不会将避难者同人道主义问题联系起来,而只会同威胁主权及安全相链接。这类非人性化的视觉模式强化了恐惧的政治,这也解释了为什么公众认为难民境遇凄惨,却不给他们政治上的同情。     

Partition and the Ruptures in Dalit Identity Politics in Bengal

A number of historical studies have revealed that there were powerful Dalit movements among groups such as the Rajbansis and Namasudras in northern and eastern districts in colonial Bengal. The weakening and in some cases almost disappearance of these movements after 1947 is difficult to explain. One plausible explanation could lie in the emotional and physical displacement caused by Partition of the province. Both groups lived in the border region and lost their geographical anchorage following Partition. This essay explores the movement of the Namasudras before and immediately after Partition. Partition represented a major historical contextual shift that resulted in a transfiguration of Namasudra identity politics in the two Bengals, revealing the conjunctural nature of such collective social identities. In the late 1940s and early 1950s the Namasudra experience of displacement and struggle for rehabilitation brought to the foreground their “Hindu refugee” identity, overshadowing, at least for a time, their Dalit cultural politics.     

‘Living Liminality’: everyday experiences of asylum seekers in the ‘Direct Provision’ system in Ireland

Mechanisms to exclude people seen as ‘other’ which were once considered exceptional have now become normal. Global patterns of increased state security lead to people on the move or seeking protection being detained, dispersed and deported, their lives treated as ‘waste’ or ‘reject’. The Irish ‘Direct Provision’ system is part of an increasing network of liminal, or threshold, spaces, situated between and within borders, in which such people are detained or forced to wait in often inhumane conditions and often for years at a time. Based on ethnographic participatory photographic research, this article explores the ways in which imposed liminality plays out in people’s everyday lives in ‘Direct Provision’. The article looks at how liminality is lived in spatial and temporal terms and develops the idea of ‘ontological liminality’, a means of expressing the ways in which a chronic sense of fear, insecurity, invisibility and a highly controlled existence are lived and internalized; it also shows the ways in which people negotiate this imposed liminality through everyday practices, creating various forms of attachment, engagement and belonging. Exploring the concept of liminality in this context holds broader implications not only for understanding experiences of people waiting or held in the increasing number of refugee camps, border zones and detention centres in and beyond Europe, but also provides insight into the architectures of exclusion created by states to contain or exclude the ‘other’.     

Inclusive tourism development

ABSTRACT

In the light of growing inequality globally, it is important to consider how to make tourism, one of the world's largest industries, more inclusive. This concern is set in the context of, first, the growing use of tourism as a tool for social integration in Europe, not least in relation to making refugees welcome, and second, new expectations in the sustainable development goals (SDGs) that development should be inclusive and that the Global North and the private sector will take more responsibility for this. We provide a definition and suggest elements of an analytical framework for inclusive tourism, and note where inclusive tourism sits in relation to other terms that engage with the social and economic development potentials of tourism. Elements of inclusive tourism are illustrated with reference to a range of examples from around the world. This illustrates how marginalized people might be ethically and beneficially included in the production and consumption of tourism. However, it also demonstrates how formidable the challenges are to achieve substantial social change through inclusive tourism given constraints both within the sector and in the wider political economy.