Divided Post‐Soviet Small Cities? Residential Segregation and Urban Form in Leninogorsk and Zyryanovsk,Kazakhstan

This paper maps and analyses ethnic and socio‐economic residential segregation in two small post‐Soviet mining and enrichment cities in Eastern Kazakhstan, Leninogorsk and Zyryanovsk. The study is based on data collected by the author in collaboration with the Eastern Kazakhstan oblast' statistical authority in an extensive questionnaire survey carried out during January 2001. The paper investigates the linkages between the physical spatial structure of small post‐Soviet cities and the socio‐spatial landscape that has unfolded in their context, and attempts to identify the principal factors that underlie the observed segregation patterns.     

试析1860～1861年美国南部蓄奴州脱离联邦运动的社会基础

南部蓄奴州脱离联邦运动是美国内战前夕的重要历史事件。在南部蓄奴州脱离联邦的过程中,白人奴隶主是决定性的社会力量。非奴隶主白人在脱离联邦问题上则表现出地区性差异：在奴隶制不发达地区,非奴隶主白人的多数反对脱离联邦;在奴隶制发达地区,非奴隶主白人的多数则接受了脱离联邦的选择。造成这种地区性差异的原因,在于非奴隶主白人民众并不作为一个自为的阶级而行动,因此,在奴隶制发达地区,他们在政治上只能顺从奴隶主的领导,而在奴隶制不发达地区,他们就可以完全根据自己的意愿行事。     

新南方起源时期美国南方城市的发展和城市生活的变迁

新南方起源时期南方城市有显著发展,数量明显增加并初步完成城市功能的转换和城市设施的更新,为以后新南方综合性大都市的出现打下基础。但与同时期的北方城市相比,南方城市规模小,对农作物,工业原料和铁路的依赖严重,乡土气息浓厚。城市社会形态特征表现为种族隔离加剧,城市成为种族冲突的温床,一个自主自立的黑人社区形成;新老城市社会氛围差异大,老城市的相对静态与新兴城市的动态形成鲜明对照,南方社会重心不仅从农村移到城市,而且从老城市移到新兴城市。新兴城市逐渐成为南方城市发展的亮点和方向。     

20世纪美国少数族裔的命运变迁

美国的少数族裔主要包括黑人、拉美裔人、亚裔人和原土著印第安人。20世纪是美国少数族裔经历重大命运转折的历史时期：20世纪上半期．各少数族裔深受种族歧视之苦,毫无权利可言．生活一贫如洗;从50年代中期开始,少数族裔开展了民权运动,自此处境有了很大的改善,然而种族问题在美国并没有得到最终解决;90年代以来,美国的种族矛盾再次激化。可见,在将来很长时间里,种族问题仍将是美国国内最棘手的社会问题,少数族裔要在美国社会取得真正的平等,其道路是漫长而艰辛的。     

英国保守党政府的“有形帝国”政策（1874—1880）

1874—1880年英国保守党政府执政期间,为提高英国国际地位,提出了建立“有形帝国”的政策。这一政策的理论基础是迪尔克的种族帝国思想,现实动因则是随着欧洲民族国家的建立,大英帝国的霸权面临严峻的挑战。从实践方面看,重建“有形帝国”政策主要表现在保卫并扩大帝国的版图,其根本目的在于增强英国与欧洲大陆各国竞争的实力,力挽大英帝国霸权的颓势。     

Placing the second generation: A case study of Toronto

We examine the social mobility of the second generation in the Toronto metropolitan area by analyzing whether the adult children of immigrants live in more affluent and desirable neighbourhoods than the first generation. Using 2016 census microdata, we compare the social characteristics of census tracts where immigrants and the second and third-plus (3+) generations concentrate. The index of dissimilarity indicates the degree of residential separation among generations and for five ethno-racial second-generation groups: Chinese, South Asian, Black, Southern European, and Northern and Western European. The empirical findings show that the neighbourhoods where the first generation is over-represented are less affluent than those where the second and 3+ generations concentrate, with the largest improvements in social status occurring between the first and second generations. Although they frequently live in more distant suburban neighbourhoods than the first generation, the second generation still tends to live in inner and outer suburbs more than the exurban 3+ generation. For the second generation, the degree of residential concentration varies across ethno-racial groups with persistent segregation marking the residential locations of racial minorities. The findings highlight the variegated geographies and social mobility of the second generation in Canada's largest metropolitan area.     

Cities,Racialized Poverty,and Infrastructures of Possibility

This essay argues that the study of urban poverty is too often characterised by the disappearance of specific people and bodily politics from our analytic frames, rendering modes of life and politics illegible to scholars. We call for attention to the embodied politics of knowledge production, as neighbourhoods surrounding universities are exploited first as laboratories for poverty scholarship—exemplified in the relationship between the Chicago School’s theory of human ecology and the racialised real estate markets—and then as devalued spaces for creative industries. Following work at the intersection of urban studies and American studies, we call for a relational reading of the archives of dominant poverty scholarship, and for scholarship attentive to the body—as a knowledge project only ever partially recorded in fieldnotes or the archives—as a key site for politics.     

The segregation of generations: ancestral groups in Sydney, 2011

Most models of immigrant minority enclave formation in cities represent their situation as relatively transient elements in urban residential mosaics. As minority group members become both economically integrated and socially–culturally assimilated into the host society, so they move away from the enclaves where they initially concentrated. Such shifts are especially likely in the second and later generations of group members, who are more likely to overcome the disadvantages experienced by many of the original settlers with regard to human capital. This paper evaluates that model using data on the residential distributions of three generations of those claiming one of 19 different ancestral groups in Sydney in 2011, at four nested spatial scales, deploying a recently developed inferential method for evaluating the intensity of residential segregation. The findings are not consistent with the model: in general, members of the second and third generations in any ancestral group are as segregated as the first generation (that is, those born outside Australia) at both regional and neighbourhood scales.     

The ‘Linchpin for Success’? The problematic establishment of the 1965 Race Relations Act and its Conciliation Board

The 1965 Race Relations Act was the first legislation directed towards outlawing racial discrimination and racial incitement in Britain; but it has been almost universally criticised as weak, narrow and ineffectual. This article focuses on an area not adequately discussed in the existing literature—the debate about, and impact of, replacing initial criminal sanctions with American-styled conciliation and civil remedies, and subsequent creation of conciliation machinery. It argues that the protracted process of forming this Board had a greater impact upon the Act’s success than has been previously acknowledged, as it demonstrated the bipartite lack of desire to address the politically unpopular issue of race and immigration, thus creating further disillusionment towards the British state. Rather than being the ‘last step’ in such legislation, as desired by many at the time, its weaknesses and limitations stimulated criticism and increased political action, leading to subsequent broader legislation in future years.