Witchcraft,Statecraft, Mancraft: On the Demonological Foundations of Sovereignty

ABSTRACT

Questions of sovereignty remain central to political theology, yet the role played by demonology in sovereignty’s construction has yet to be closely examined. This article addresses this omission by exploring the relation between the phantasmatic figures of the “sovereign” and the “witch” in the work of Jean Bodin (1530–96). Early modern concepts of “witchcraft” and its prosecution have a constitutive relation to (theo)political sovereignty, modern gender relations, and the birth of the nation-state. Reading Bodin’s work on witchcraft alongside those on sovereignty, tolerance, and the household, I argue that the demonological witch forms a self-consolidating other at the foundation of modern constructions of sovereignty, tolerance, and the (cishetero)normative family – an excess or absence that reinforces and destabilizes gendered, sexual, political, juridical, and religious hierarchies that continue to influence the present. In doing so, I demonstrate that sovereignty rests on a demonological foundation.     

The Duplicity of Space: Germanic 'Raum' and Swedish 'Rum' in English Language Geographical Discourse

The modern definition of geography as the science of 'space' derives in important measure, it will be argued, from the Germanic concept of Raum . The implications of the importation of this concept into English are masked, however, by its translation as 'space', an English word with very different connotations from the German Raum . Whereas the English space is conceptually distinct from place, Raum has a double meaning, combining elements of both space and place. This doubleness becomes duplicitous when Raum is transmogrified into the English space, thereby blurring the distinction; allowing space to appropriate the meaning of place. The problem is further complicated by the fact that this process of transmogrification occurred largely via contact with Swedish geography–in which rum is cognate to the German Raum . Geography, this essay concludes, would do well to apply the same reflexive critique to its concept of space as it has applied, with great success, to landscape , a Germanic concept that can also refer to both place and space.     

文化适应背景下留学生的日常行为空间特征——以英国伯明翰市中国留学生为例

空间是文化适应的反映与表征,跨文化的社会学现象呈现了“人-地”关联研究的特征与脉络。本文对英国伯明翰市的中国留学生进行了“文化适应”及“日常行为空间”等的相关调查,分析了该群体在居住、消费等行为的空间特征,并探讨了“文化适应”对“空间行为”的影响。主要结论为:(1)留学生浅层的文化适应限定了活动空间,居住和日常消费就近在大学周边,中国城则成为周末通勤中心,对“住区与学校—中国城”以外的空间感知模糊。(2)人群分异明显,英国文化越融入,越喜欢光顾英式的空间;中国文化越坚守,对中国城越依恋。(3)空间的隔离性与重叠性加剧了对英国文化的疏离。无论是对中国城的更新、还是对大学周边的拓展,政府都需要寻求国际化的城市空间管制途径,加快留学生的文化适应。     

Policing authoritarian neoliberalism in South London

In pointing out the exclusionary and nondemocratic reconceptualization of states following the financial and Eurozone crises, research by geographers and critical political economists on authoritarian neoliberalism (AN) has shed light on key state transformations. Exploring the criminalization of council estates and the policing of three austerity-ridden south London districts, this article contributes to efforts to expand the concept of AN further by centering questions of violence and physical state power in the form of discourses and practices of (criminal) punishment and policing. Building on qualitative work with local young people and interviews with former police officers, community leaders and activists, I demonstrate the spatial dimension of AN and the role of policing logic and mechanisms for its administration in south London. I argue that through post-crisis austerity measures and long-term mechanisms of criminalization, young people perceive their home neighborhoods as insecure and alter how they navigate them. Further, I show that spaces of inclusion and welfare, such as social housing estates and schools, have been reimagined as sites of exclusion and punishment, often administered by police.     

PARADES,PUBLIC SPACE,AND PROPAGANDA: THE NAZI CULTURE PARADES IN MUNICH

As the birthplace of the Nazi Party and the official Capital of the Movement, Munich assumed a high profile within the party's propaganda apparatus. While Berlin became the political and foreign policy centre of Hitler's Reich and Nuremberg the site of massive displays of national power during the annual party rallies, national and local party leaders launched a series of cultural initiatives to showcase Munich as the Capital of German Art. Munich hosted numerous festivals proclaiming a rebirth of German art and culture, as well as the regime's supposedly peaceful intentions for domestic and international audiences. To help achieve these goals, Nazi leaders staged a series of extravagant parades in Munich celebrating German cultural achievements. The parades provided an opportunity for the regime to monopolize Munich's public spaces through performances of its particular vision of German history, culture and national belonging. While such mass public spectacles had obvious propaganda potential, several constraints, most prominently Munich's existing spatial layout, limited the parades’ effectiveness.     

THE BODY AS A BATTLEFIELD: APPROACHING CHILDREN'S POLITICS

This article discusses the active role of children in everyday politics. Distinct from empowerment, it is suggested that children can be political on their own terms. The article focuses on revealing the social production of childhood, which takes place in the confrontation between child policy and children's own politics. Children's bodies are found to be both the main focus of policy practices and a central avenue of children's own agency. Hence, children are understood to be not only objects of policy, but also embodied political subjects. Using the example of Finnish child evacuees' experiences during the Second World War, it is shown that, despite their positions in policy fields, children do act as political selves. Using the ideas of Michel de Certeau and Carl Schmitt, it is argued that there is an autonomous politics to children which can be recognized as a significant means of coping in their everyday lives. On these grounds, the article sets out to use Pierre Bourdieu's concept of political struggle in considering childhood spatialities in more detail. Overall, children's politics are understood as a wider geographical concept which requires further examination.     

Cato Street Conspiracy and Consuming Crime: How Radical Politics Fed into the Public's Passion for Violent Media Coverage*

The Cato Street Conspiracy ended in failure, with its five leading radicals executed. This conspiratorial insurrection caught the media's attention, creating a vibrant visual culture of the stable and execution. Arguably, the conspiracy's treason was not directed at the king but rather parliament and government through its aim to assassinate the cabinet. Although usually considered as an end point to Regency radicalism, Cato Street provides the opportunity to explore how radicalism was covered and consumed as part of the growing passion for crime reporting. Using the framework of wound culture, which highlights the centrality of consuming violence in contemporary society, this article demonstrates how the Cato Street stable and execution were fervently consumed through the visual culture generated to disseminate the conspiracy. Here, radicalism, treason and violence collided, demonstrating the passion of the conspirators but also the passion of the public who voraciously devoured the coverage.     

传统村落神圣空间形态、当代价值及其研究范式再认识

神圣空间是中国传统村落重要的空间形态，但理论界对神圣空间时有“存续论”和“废弃论”的学术争议，对其内涵、类型、流动性发展趋势以及新的研究范式也缺乏深入解读，这对人们深入认知传统村落神圣空间带来了困惑和迷茫。通过文献梳理，认为：神圣空间的内涵是“空间+意义”的综合。在传统村落中空间形态有两类，一是具有明显可观察性的宗教信仰性神圣空间，二是一切不可让渡或不可化约的人文意义的神圣空间。在内容研究方面，学术界对第一类型的神圣空间研究着墨较多，但研究特点表现在对神圣空间“本身”进行阐释。对第二类型神圣空间建构性的解读属于新兴研究类型，研究主要将传统村落神圣空间看作是社会建构的过程和动态性实践的产物。在流动性视角下，学术界更注重对传统村落神圣空间与流动性互动产生的社会经济、文化和环境之间建构和生产的研究，认为“神圣空间作为文本”更符合新的社会事实及其推动下的研究议题。不同认知范式具有差异性，相互补充是人们整体认知传统村落神圣空间的基础，也对乡村振兴实践中传统村落文化的整理、挖掘以及塑造社会经济发展具有重要指引。     

Parliament as Viewed Through a Woman's Eyes: Gender and Space in the 19th‐Century Commons

The 19th‐century house of commons is traditionally viewed as a masculine space overlooking the presence of female tourists, waitresses, housekeepers, servants, spectators, and residents. This essay demonstrates that, even when formally excluded from the Commons, women were determined to colonize spaces to witness debates. In the pre‐1834 Commons they created their own observation gallery in an attic high above the chamber, peeping through a light fitting to listen to parliamentary sessions. After 1834, they were accommodated in their own galleries in the temporary and new house of commons, growing increasingly assertive and protective of their rights to attend debates and participate in parliamentary political culture. Far from being exclusively male, parliament was increasingly viewed through women's eyes.