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21.
Throughout the 1960s, Spanish students staged a strong opposition against the dictatorship of General Franco. Also during this decade, the U.S. Foreign Service in Spain began to pay great attention to these students for two key reasons. On the one hand, student protests posed a threat to US defensive interests in a country with a high strategic value during the Cold War in southern Europe. However, on the other hand, campus agitation could lead to positive effects for the United States if students’ expectations of social change were channeled toward national development in a context of order and political stability. So, how could student activism and idealism be directed toward a controlled modernization of Spain? This article attempts to answer this question by studying American programs aimed at disseminating the principles of modernization theory in Spanish universities as an instrument to (1) influence students’ political and intellectual socialization and to immunize them against radical ideologies and (2) channel students’ aspirations towards constructive and responsible reform of their country's socioeconomic structures.  相似文献   
22.
State and societal responses to a diverse range of abuses, injustices and exclusions often take the form of providing designated spaces of temporary shelter from the hostility. This introduction to the themed section on Safe Spaces of refuge, shelter and contact outlines the five contributions on such gendered spaces in Australia, Cambodia, England, India and USA. Across the varying rationales and regimes of refuge, shelter and contact, three key themes emerge: the boundary work necessary to carve out safe spaces in a hostile world, the practices within designated safe spaces, and what is achieved in terms of safety and autonomy from gender-based violence.  相似文献   
23.
This paper examines the role of accelerator programmes in promoting transnational entrepreneurship. Designed to assist the growth of start-ups by providing seed finance and structured entrepreneurship support, these programmes are now a prominent feature in many entrepreneurial ecosystems around the world. Drawing on in-depth qualitative evidence focused on one particular programme, the paper shows accelerators play an important intermediary or ‘brokerage mechanism’ providing start-ups with enhanced relational connections and networks. Transnational entrepreneurs attracted to these programmes are highly focused on exploiting these networks whilst maintaining multiple levels of embeddedness in various contexts to maximize the opportunities afforded by accelerators. While many governments are attempting to replicate accelerators programmes within the public sector, the paper concludes that such attempts may prove problematic within weaker entrepreneurial ecosystems.  相似文献   
24.
Julie Gamble 《对极》2019,51(4):1166-1184
This article discusses transit infrastructure as a site of radical possibility and limitation in an age of participatory democracy across Latin America. I focus on multiple spaces of participation in Quito, Ecuador to elucidate how citizenship and infrastructure are co‐produced through gendered processes. I first analyse city space of Quito from a gendered and infrastructural lens to consider how urban environments are dictated by violence and insecurity. Then, against this backdrop, I explore the spatial strategies of the feminist bicycle collective, Carishina en Bici, which translates from Quechua to “bad housewives that cycle”. Here, I draw on the concept of “deep play” to reveal how public practices in Quito question the equitable impacts of local democratic experimentation. To examine Carishinas’ spatial practices, I focus on an urban alleycat race, the Carishina Race, to show how strategic practices of solidarity reinsert feminist possibilities in urban space.  相似文献   
25.
Public policy scholars argue that in highly tangible policies, such as tobacco control, the public learns from the direct experience of the beneficial effects of the policy. Empirical evidence supports this argument, suggesting that in the United States the introduction of tobacco control measures makes people more inclined to further regulation. By relying on a set of cases which allows testing the effects of the introduction of tobacco control measures across European countries on a series of relevant variables, this study confirms that the introduction of tobacco control measures makes the public more inclined to further regulation. Yet, when the effects of these policies are disaggregated between smokers and nonsmokers, results show that these positive effects are driven by smokers. This puzzle suggests that different effects than mass attitudinal policy feedback effects, driven by learning from direct experience, might explain the positive reaction to tobacco control. This study puts forward a behavioral theory of policy feedback, which suggests that smokers react positively to the introduction of tobacco control measures because they see these measures as commitment devices, which can help them quit smoking. Evidence for this argument is found by demonstrating that the introduction of tobacco control measures increases smokers’ welfare.  相似文献   
26.
The average citizen often does not experience government policy directly, but learns about it from the mass media. The nature of media coverage of public policy is thus of real importance, for both public opinion and policy itself. It nevertheless is the case that scholars of public policy and political communication have invested rather little time in developing methods to track public policy coverage in media content. The lack of attention is all the more striking in an era in which media coverage is readily available in digital form. This paper offers a proposal for tracking coverage of the actual direction of policy change in mass media. It begins with some methodological considerations, and then draws on an expository case—defense spending in the United States—to assess the effectiveness of our automated content‐analytic methods. Results speak to the quantity and quality in media coverage of policy issues, and the potential role of mass media—to both inform and mislead—in modern representative democracy.  相似文献   
27.
Contemporary Australian Indigenous policy changes rapidly and regularly fails to deliver its stated aims. Additionally, political and social relationships between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and the Australian state remain complex and contested. This article draws on critical Indigenous theory, alongside the increasingly influential scholarly paradigm of settler colonialism, to draw these two elements together. It highlights the ongoing nature of colonial conflict, and the partisan nature of state institutions and processes. While policy is usually framed as a depoliticised, technical practice of public management for Indigenous wellbeing, I suggest that it also seeks to ‘domesticate’ Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples, perform their dysfunction and demonstrate state legitimacy. This is especially the case in Australia, which has a long tradition of framing domestic welfare policy – rather than legal agreements – as the ‘solution’ to settler colonial conflict.  相似文献   
28.
房列曙 《史学集刊》2007,5(6):28-34
在中国古代,主要是通过科举制度选拔国家官员。科举制度废除后,孙中山主张在五权宪法的框架之中,由国家设置考试院,主管文官的选拔、任用和考绩。这一创新的理论实践于民国时期。在民国时期,文官考试制度开始运作和完善,其中的特种考试和检定考试是我国的独特创制。文官的任用、考绩、升调、奖惩、抚恤等制度称作文官"铨叙"制度,与文官考试制度相辅相成。文官"铨叙"制度最为规范,也是我国的独特创制。  相似文献   
29.
山西省稷山县太阳村(公社)是集体化时代闻名全国的卫生红旗单位,其公共卫生工作及合作医疗制度建设成绩斐然,具有明显的典型意义和时代特征。不过,这种农村公共卫生事业是建立在计划经济体制和高度集中的政治体制以及较低医疗保障水平基础上的,并与历次政治运动关系密切。改革开放后,经济体制逐渐向市场经济过渡,稷山县公共卫生事业因难以适应新的社会经济体制而最终走向了衰落,但其经验和教训可为今后创新农村公共卫生事业、建立新型合作医疗体系提供有益的借鉴。  相似文献   
30.
民国时期公务员(文官)考铨制度研究述评   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
民国时期开始实行且步履艰难的公务员(文官)考铨制度,历经北京政府、南京政府和抗日战争的动荡,成为民国时期行政管理体制近代化的重要标志.伴随着制度性建设的日益完善和具体实践上的相对混乱,这一时期公务员(文官)考铨制度在理论与实践上的得与失,为后人留下了宝贵遗产.近年来,史学界对这一问题的探讨日益重视,取得了一系列的成果.  相似文献   
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